Barriers to and opportunities for advancing racial equity in cervical cancer screening in the United States.

BACKGROUND: In the United States (U.S.), racially minoritized people have higher rates of cervical cancer morbidity and mortality compared to white individuals as a result of racialized structural, social, economic, and health care inequities. However, cervical cancer screening guidelines are based on studies of predominately white individuals and do not substantially discuss or address racialized cervical cancer inequities and their social determinants, including racism. METHODS: We conducted in-depth interviews with health care providers (N = 30) and key informants with expertise in health equity (N = 18). We utilized semi-structured interview guides that addressed providers' views and experiences delivering cervical cancer screening to racially minoritized individuals and key informants' recommendations for advancing racial equity in the development and implementation of cervical cancer screening guidelines. Interviews were analyzed using a template style thematic analysis approach involving deductive and inductive coding, memo writing, and matrix analysis for theme development. RESULTS: Most health care providers adopted a universal, one-size-fits-all approach to cervical cancer screening with the stated goal of ensuring racial equality. Despite frequently acknowledging the existence of racialized cervical cancer inequities, few providers recognized the role of social inequities in influencing them, and none discussed the impact of racism. In contrast, key informants overwhelmingly recommended that providers adopt an approach to cervical cancer screening and follow-up care that recognizes the role of racism in shaping racialized cervical cancer and related social inequities, is developed in partnership with racially minoritized communities, and involves person-centered, structurally-competent, and trauma-informed practices that address racially minoritized peoples' unique lived experiences in historical and social context. This racism-conscious approach is not to be confused with race-based medicine, which is an essentialist and racist approach to health care that treats race as a biological variable rather than as a social and political construct. CONCLUSIONS: Developers and implementers of cervical cancer screening guidelines should explicitly recognize and address the impact of racism on cervical cancer screening, follow-up care, and outcomes, meaningfully incorporate racially minoritized communities' perspectives and experiences, and facilitate provider- and institutional-level practices that foster racial equity in cervical cancer.

Methods for structural sexism and population health research: Introducing a novel analytic framework to capture life-course and intersectional effects.

Accumulating evidence links structural sexism to gendered health inequities, yet methodological challenges have precluded comprehensive examinations into life-course and/or intersectional effects. To help address this gap, we introduce an analytic framework that uses sequential conditional mean models (SCMMs) to jointly account for longitudinal exposure trajectories and moderation by multiple dimensions of social identity/position, which we then apply to study how early life-course exposure to U.S. state-level structural sexism shapes mental health outcomes within and between gender groups. Data came from the Growing Up Today Study, a cohort of 16,875 children aged 9-14 years in 1996 who we followed through 2016. Using a composite index of relevant public policies and societal conditions (e.g., abortion bans, wage gaps), we assigned each U.S. state a year-specific structural sexism score and calculated participants' cumulative exposure by averaging the scores associated with states they had lived in during the study period, weighted according to duration of time spent in each. We then fit a series of SCMMs to estimate overall and group-specific associations between cumulative exposure from baseline through a given study wave and subsequent depressive symptomology; we also fit models using simplified (i.e., non-cumulative) exposure variables for comparison purposes. Analyses revealed that cumulative exposure to structural sexism: (1) was associated with significantly increased odds of experiencing depressive symptoms by the subsequent wave; (2) disproportionately impacted multiply marginalized groups (e.g., sexual minority girls/women); and (3) was more strongly associated with depressive symptomology compared to static or point-in-time exposure operationalizations (e.g., exposure in a single year). Substantively, these findings suggest that long-term exposure to structural sexism may contribute to the inequitable social patterning of mental distress among young people living in the U.S. More broadly, the proposed analytic framework represents a promising approach to examining the complex links between structural sexism and health across the life course and for diverse social groups.

Structural Racism-Related State Laws and Healthcare Access Among Black, Latine, and White U.S. Adults.

Racialized healthcare inequities in the USA remain glaring, yet root causes are understudied. To address this gap, we created a state-level structural racism legal index (SRLI) using the Structural Racism-Related State Law Database and analyzed its association with racialized inequities in four outcomes (lacking health insurance coverage, lacking a personal doctor, avoiding care due to cost, lacking a routine check-up) from the 2013 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (N = 454,834). To obtain predicted probabilities by SRLI quartiles (Q1 = less structural racism, Q4 = more structural racism) and racialized group, we fit survey-weighted multilevel logistic models adjusted for individual- and state-level covariates. We found substantial healthcare access inequities across racialized groups within SRLI quartiles and less pronounced, but still meaningful, inequities within racialized groups across SRLI quartiles. For example, the predicted probabilities of lacking health insurance coverage across SRLI quartiles ranged from 13 to 20% among Black adults, 31 to 41% among Latine adults, and 8 to 11% among White adults. Across racialized groups in Q4 states, predicted probabilities ranged from 11% among White adults to 41% among Latine adults. Similar patterns were observed for lacking a personal doctor and avoiding care due to cost. Findings underscore the need to address structural racism in laws and policies to mitigate these inequities.

Promoting equitable sexual health communication among patients with minoritized racial/ethnic, sexual orientation, and gender identities: Strategies, challenges, and opportunities.

People assigned female at birth (AFAB) with minoritized racial/ethnic, sexual orientation, and gender identities experience notable barriers to high-quality sexual healthcare. In confronting these barriers, patient-provider communication can be a crucial factor, influencing patients' experiences and access to relevant sexual health information and services by determining the quality of care. However, research that investigates this communication among AFAB patients with minoritized social positions is scarce, indicating a research gap regarding the perspectives and roles of healthcare providers in addressing such barriers to care for minoritized patients. Thus, we conducted a qualitative research study, using individual in-depth interviews, to explore the multi-level factors that influence providers' attitudes, knowledge, and skills regarding sexual health communication with AFAB patients with minoritized racial/ethnic, sexual orientation, and gender identities. Interpreting study findings within frameworks of person-centered care, intersectionality, and structural competency, we identified three cross-cutting themes. We found that providers frequently drew on their prior professional training, personal lived experiences, and population-level health disparities data when engaging in sexual health communication with minoritized AFAB patients. Participants reported minimal explicit training in anti-racist and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+)-competent care as a significant barrier to engaging in equitable sexual health communication with minoritized AFAB patients, which was exacerbated by many providers' lack of shared social positions and lived experiences with these patients. Providers also frequently applied population-level data to individual patients when formulating counseling and recommendations, which may undermine person-centered sexual health communication. Our findings suggest that critical anti-racist and LGBTQ+-competent provider training is urgently needed, and that health professional education and institutions must be transformed to better reflect and consider the experiences of patients with minoritized racial/ethnic, sexual orientation, and gender identities.

Examining the Association Between Affordable Care Act Medicaid Expansion and Sexually Transmitted Infection Testing Among U.S. Women.

INTRODUCTION: Sexually transmitted infection (STI) rates are rising among women in the United States, increasing the importance of routine STI testing. Beginning in 2014, some states expanded Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act, providing health coverage to most individuals in and near poverty. Here, we investigate whether Medicaid expansion changed rates of STI testing among U.S. women. METHODS: We analyzed nationally representative 2011-2017 National Survey of Family Growth data from U.S. women ages 15-44. Using difference-in-differences analysis, we assessed whether Medicaid expansion was associated with within-state changes in the prevalence of STI testing in the past 12 months, among women overall and by race/ethnicity and sexual orientation, during each year following Medicaid expansion. Models were adjusted for individual- and state-level demographic and socioeconomic factors. RESULTS: Our sample included 14,196 U.S. women. Medicaid expansion was associated with higher STI testing rates, which increased over time. By 3 years post-expansion, expansion states had increased STI testing by 12.7 percentage points more than nonexpansion states (95% confidence interval [CI] [2.5, 23.0], p = .016). This association was imprecisely estimated within racial/ethnic and sexual orientation subgroups, but trended strongest among white, Latina, and heterosexual women, followed by Black and bisexual women (who tested more often at baseline). CONCLUSIONS: Medicaid expansion is associated with increased STI testing among U.S. women; these benefits grew over time but varied by both race/ethnicity and sexual orientation. State governments that fail to expand Medicaid may harm their residents' health by allowing more spread of STIs.

Legislating Inequity: Structural Racism In Groups Of State Laws And Associations With Premature Mortality Rates.

Most evaluations of health equity policy have focused on the effects of individual laws. However, multiple laws' combined effects better reflect the crosscutting nature of structurally racist legal regimes. To measure the combined effects of multiple laws, we used latent class analysis, a method for detecting unobserved "subgroups" in a population, to identify clusters of US states based on thirteen structural racism-related legal domains in 2013. We identified three classes of states: one with predominantly harmful laws ([Formula: see text]), another with predominantly protective laws ([Formula: see text]), and a third with a mix of both ([Formula: see text]). Premature mortality rates overall-defined as deaths before age seventy-five per 100,000 population-were highest in states with predominantly harmful laws, which included eighteen states with past Jim Crow laws. This study offers a new method for measuring structural racism on the basis of how groups of laws are associated with premature mortality rates.

Affordable Care Act state Medicaid expansion and human papillomavirus vaccination among adolescent and young adult US women: A national study.

OBJECTIVE: To ascertain the impact of Affordable Care Act (ACA) state Medicaid expansion on human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination among both adolescent and young adult US women. DATA SOURCES: We used state-level data on ACA Medicaid expansion and individual-level data on US women aged 15-25 years living at or below 138% of the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) from the 2011-2017 waves of the National Survey of Family Growth (N = 2408). STUDY DESIGN: We conducted a quasi-experimental study examining the association between ACA state Medicaid expansion and HPV vaccination initiation among eligible adolescent and young adult US women. METHODS: We used linear probability modeling within a difference-in-differences approach, adjusting for individual- and state-level covariates. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Adjusting for individual- and state-level covariates, we found a negative association between Medicaid expansion and HPV vaccination among US women aged 15-25 years living in low-income households in the first year post-expansion (coefficient: -15.9 percentage points; 95% confidence interval [CI]: -30.1, -1.6 points). In contrast, we observed a positive association in the third year post-expansion (coefficient: 20.5 percentage points; 95% confidence interval [CI]: -1.8, 42.9 points). CONCLUSIONS: Medicaid expansion may have increased HPV vaccination among adolescent and young adult US women over time. Additional research is needed to identify the mechanisms and differential effects of Medicaid expansion on HPV vaccination among diverse subgroups of US women.

Assessing Variations in Sexual Orientation- and Gender Identity-Related U.S. State Laws for Sexual and Gender Minority Health Research and Action, 1996-2016.

Purpose: We developed a multiyear database of sexual orientation- and gender identity-related U.S. state laws to advance sexual and gender minority (SGM) health research and practice and assessed variability in U.S. state laws from 1996 through 2016 across all U.S. states and D.C. Methods: Between 2014 and 2016, a multidisciplinary group of SGM health researchers and legal experts used secondary and primary legal sources and policy surveillance methods to systematically develop a state-level legal database of 30 sexual orientation- and gender identity-related U.S. state laws in 9 legal domains from 1996 through 2016. We calculated descriptive statistics and created maps to observe the distribution of these laws over both time and space. Results: Although progress has occurred in some domains, such as same-sex marriage, adoption, and employment discrimination, significant challenges to SGM rights remain, especially with regard to HIV criminalization, transgender rights, and discrimination in health care settings. Further, notable variation exists in the presence of protective lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (LGBTQ) state laws across U.S. states and D.C. Conclusion: Efforts to repeal harmful U.S. state laws are needed, as are new laws, policies, regulations, practices, and norms that advance social justice and health equity for all SGM people.

Experiences of and resistance to multiple discrimination in health care settings among transmasculine people of color.

BACKGROUND: Research shows that transmasculine people experience discrimination based on their gender identity and/or expression (i.e., cissexism) while obtaining health care. However, studies examining the experience of other forms of discrimination in health care settings among diverse subgroups of transmasculine individuals, including those from minoritized racial/ethnic backgrounds, are very limited. METHODS: Guided by intersectionality, we designed a qualitative research study to explore how transmasculine people of color experience-and resist-multiple, intersecting forms of discrimination in health care settings. Guided by a purposive sampling strategy, we selected 19 transmasculine young adults of color aged 18-25 years to participate in 5 mini-focus groups conducted between February and May 2019 in Boston, MA. Focus group transcripts were analyzed using a template style approach to thematic analysis that involved both deductive and inductive coding using a codebook. Coded text fragments pertaining to participants' experiences of health care discrimination were clustered into themes and sub-themes. RESULTS: Transmasculine people of color described experiencing notable challenges accessing physical and mental health care as a result of structural barriers to identifying health care providers with expertise in transgender health, finding providers who share one or more of their social positions and lived experiences, and accessing financial resources to cover high health care costs. Further, participants discussed anticipating and experiencing multiple forms of interpersonal discrimination-both independently and simultaneously-in health care settings, including cissexism, racism, weight-based discrimination, and ableism. Moreover, participants described the negative impact of anticipating and experiencing multiple interpersonal health care discrimination on their health care utilization, quality of care, and mental and physical health. Lastly, participants discussed using various strategies to resist the multiple, intersecting forms of discrimination they encounter in health care settings, including setting boundaries with health care providers, seeking care from competent providers with shared social positions, engaging in self-advocacy, drawing on peer support during health care visits, and obtaining health information through their social networks. DISCUSSION: Efforts are needed to address cissexism, racism, weight-based discrimination, ableism, and other intersecting forms of discrimination in clinical encounters, health care institutions and systems, and society in general to advance the health of transmasculine people of color and other multiply marginalized groups.

"Making a Way Out of No Way:" Understanding the Sexual and Reproductive Health Care Experiences of Transmasculine Young Adults of Color in the United States.

Research focusing on the specific and unique sexual and reproductive health care experiences of transmasculine young adults of color are extremely scarce. We conducted five focus group discussions with 19 Black, Latinx, Asian, Native, and other transmasculine individuals of color aged 18-25 years in the greater Boston area. Using thematic analysis, we found that transmasculine young adults of color experienced cissexism, heterosexism, and racism in accessing and utilizing sexual and reproductive health services. These multiple forms of discrimination undermined participants' receipt of high-quality sexual and reproductive health information and care from competent health care providers who shared their lived experiences. Participants relied on support from their lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer peers to obtain needed sexual and reproductive health resources and minimize harm during clinical encounters. Multilevel interventions are needed to promote access to person-centered and structurally competent sexual and reproductive health care among transmasculine young adults of color.

Racial/Ethnic and Sexual Orientation Identity Differences in the Receipt of a Sexual History Assessment from a Health Care Provider among Women in the United States.

BACKGROUND: Differential sexual history assessment, whereby certain groups are more or less likely to be asked questions about their sexual behavior by a health care provider, may lead to differential sexual health care and counseling. METHODS: Using nationally representative data from the 2013 through 2019 waves of the National Survey of Family Growth, we examined racial/ethnic and sexual orientation identity differences in receiving a sexual history assessment from a health care provider in the last 12 months among U.S. women aged 15-44 years (N = 14,019). RESULTS: Adjusting for survey wave, Black and Latina heterosexual women; White, Black, and Latina bisexual women; and Black or Latina lesbian women had higher odds (odds ratio range, 1.47 [Latina heterosexual] to 2.71 [Black bisexual]) of having received a sexual history assessment in the last 12 months compared with White heterosexual women. All differences except for those among Black or Latina lesbian women persisted after controlling for demographic, socioeconomic, and health care factors (odds ratio range, 1.43 [Latina heterosexual] to 2.14 [Black bisexual]). Of note, Black bisexual women, about whom providers may hold biased assumptions of promiscuity rooted in both racism and biphobia, had the highest predicted probability of being asked about their sexual behavior by a provider. CONCLUSIONS: Person-centered, structurally competent, and anti-oppressive practices and programs aimed at combating bias, stigma, and discrimination in the health care system and facilitating an inclusive clinic environment for all patients are needed to address differences in the provision of sexual health services and promote sexual health equity.

Sexual Health Information Sources, Needs, and Preferences of Young Adult Sexual Minority Cisgender Women and Non-Binary Individuals Assigned Female at Birth.

BACKGROUND: Young adult sexual minority women (SMW) have unique sexual health needs and higher rates of some poor sexual health outcomes compared to their heterosexual peers. Unequal access to relevant sexual health information may contribute to sexual orientation disparities in sexual health among women, but research on sexual health communication among SMW is sparse. METHODS: In-depth interviews conducted in 2016-2017 investigated sexual health communication in a sample of 29 racially/ethnically diverse cisgender women and non-binary individuals assigned female at birth who were between 19 and 36 years of age and identified as a sexual minority. Data were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach that involved inductive and deductive coding to identify themes. RESULTS: Three broad themes were identified: 1) sources of sexual health information; 2) sexual health information needs; and 3) preferences for sexual health information delivery. Participants discussed and critiqued the Internet, other mass media, health care providers, school-based sex education, family, and peers/partners as sources of sexual health information. Participants expressed a need for customized, non-heteronormative information pertaining to sexually transmitted infection risk and prevention. They preferred receiving information from health care providers, the Internet, and other mass media, and some also suggested school-based sex education and peer education as methods for delivering information. CONCLUSIONS: Participants expressed clear desires for relevant, high-quality sexual health information delivered through a variety of channels, especially the Internet, other mass media, and health care providers. POLICY IMPLICATIONS: Findings call for policies that improve provision of sexual health information through health care providers, online resources, and school-based sex education.

Contraceptive Care Disparities Among Sexual Orientation Identity and Racial/Ethnic Subgroups of U.S. Women: A National Probability Sample Study.

Background: Sexual minority women may use contraception for various reasons but face notable barriers to contraceptive care, including stigma and discrimination. However, studies examining sexual orientation disparities in contraceptive care have largely relied on nonprobability samples of predominately White women and may thus not be generalizable to U.S. women overall or Black and Latina women in particular. Materials and Methods: Using data from the 2006 to 2017 National Survey of Family Growth, a large national probability sample of U.S. women 15-44 years of age (N = 25,473), we used multivariable logistic regression to estimate adjusted odds ratios for receiving a contraceptive method or prescription and contraceptive counseling from a health care provider in the past year among sexual orientation identity and racial/ethnic subgroups of heterosexual, bisexual, and lesbian White, Black, and Latina women relative to White heterosexual women. Results: Among women overall, 33.9% had received contraception and 18.3% had obtained contraceptive counseling. Black (odds ratio [OR] = 0.73, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.65-0.82) and Latina (OR = 0.73, 95% CI: 0.64-0.82) heterosexual women, White (OR = 0.80, 95% CI: 0.65-0.99) and Black (OR = 0.43, 95% CI: 0.32-0.58) bisexual women, and White (OR = 0.23, 95% CI: 0.13-0.43), Black (OR = 0.19, 95% CI: 0.09-0.40), and Latina (OR = 0.08, 95% CI: 0.03-0.22) lesbian women had significantly lower adjusted odds of receiving contraception compared with White heterosexual women. White (OR = 0.36, 95% CI: 0.15-0.85), Black (OR = 0.42, 95% CI: 0.18-0.98), and Latina (OR = 0.22, 95% CI: 0.09-0.53) lesbian women also had significantly lower adjusted odds of obtaining contraceptive counseling relative to White heterosexual women. Conclusions: Policies, programs, and practices that facilitate access to person-centered contraceptive care among marginalized sexual orientation identity and racial/ethnic subgroups of U.S. women are needed to promote reproductive health equity.

Gestational exposure to fatal police violence and pregnancy loss in US core based statistical areas, 2013-2015.

BACKGROUND: Fatal police violence in the United States disproportionately affects Black, Native American, and Hispanic people, and for these groups it is a racially oppressive population-level stressor that we hypothesize increases the risk of pregnancy loss. Focusing on core based statical areas (CBSAs) surrounding small and large urban centers, we accordingly tested whether gestational exposure to fatal police violence decreased the number of live births, which is reflective of a rise in lost pregnancies. METHODS: Our observational study linked microdata for all births (N = 7,709,300) in 520 CBSAs with at least one incident of fatal police violence in 2013-2015 to Fatal Encounters, a database that prospectively identified 2594 police-related fatalities using online media reports and public records. We estimated the association between month-to-month fatal police violence and conceptions resulting in live births using distributed lag quasi-Poisson models with CBSA-level fixed effects, adjusted for seasonality and stratified by maternal race/ethnicity. FINDINGS: For each additional police-related fatality that occurred in the first through sixth months of gestation, we observed a 0.14% decrease (95% confidence interval: 0.05%, 0.23%) in the total number of live births within CBSAs, and a 0.29% decrease in births to Black women (95% CI: 0.11%, 0.48%). The association was null for births to White women. INTERPRETATION: Our findings suggest fatal police violence may have population-level consequences for pregnancy loss and adds to the evidence regarding the importance of preventing these fatalities.

Developing a Database of Structural Racism-Related State Laws for Health Equity Research and Practice in the United States.

OBJECTIVES: Although US state laws shape population health and health equity, few studies have examined how state laws affect the health of marginalized racial/ethnic groups (eg, Black, Indigenous, and Latinx populations) and racial/ethnic health inequities. A team of public health researchers and legal scholars with expertise in racial equity used systematic policy surveillance methods to develop a comprehensive database of state laws that are explicitly or implicitly related to structural racism, with the goal of evaluating their effect on health outcomes among marginalized racial/ethnic groups. METHODS: Legal scholars used primary and secondary sources to identify state laws related to structural racism pertaining to 10 legal domains and developed a coding scheme that assigned a numeric code representing a mutually exclusive category for each salient feature of each law using a subset of randomly selected states. Legal scholars systematically applied this coding scheme to laws in all 50 US states and the District of Columbia from 2010 through 2013. RESULTS: We identified 843 state laws linked to structural racism. Most states had in place laws that disproportionately discriminate against marginalized racial/ethnic groups and had not enacted laws that prevent the unjust treatment of individuals from marginalized racial/ethnic populations from 2010 to 2013. CONCLUSIONS: By providing comprehensive, detailed data on structural racism-related state laws in all 50 states and the District of Columbia over time, our database will provide public health researchers, social scientists, policy makers, and advocates with rigorous evidence to assess states' racial equity climates and evaluate and address their effect on racial/ethnic health inequities in the United States.

Sexual Orientation Identity Disparities in Mammography Among White, Black, and Latina U.S. Women.

Purpose: Our goal was to examine sexual orientation identity disparities in mammography in relationship to race/ethnicity among U.S. women. Methods: Using nationally representative 2013-2017 National Health Interview Survey data, we used multivariable logistic regression to estimate the odds of receiving a mammogram in the past year in relationship to sexual orientation identity among White, Black, and Latina U.S. women 40-75 years of age (N = 45,031) separately, adjusting for demographic factors. We also assessed whether socioeconomic and health care factors attenuated sexual orientation identity disparities in mammography across racial/ethnic groups. Results: Among White women, bisexual women had significantly lower adjusted odds of mammography compared to heterosexual women (odds ratio = 0.70, 95% confidence interval: 0.50-0.99). Among Black women, the adjusted odds of mammography were significantly higher among bisexual women relative to heterosexual women (2.53, 1.08-5.92). Black lesbian women appeared to have lower adjusted odds of mammography compared to their heterosexual counterparts; however, this difference was not statistically significant (0.80, 0.46-1.38). Similarly, among Latina women, lesbian women also seemed to have lower adjusted odds of mammography relative to heterosexual women, but this disparity was also not statistically significant (0.64, 0.37-1.13). Adding socioeconomic factors completely attenuated the disparity between White bisexual and heterosexual women (0.76, 0.52-1.10). Conclusions: Sexual orientation identity disparities in receiving a mammogram in the past year differed in relationship to race/ethnicity among White, Black, and Latina U.S. women. Additional research with larger samples of Black and Latina lesbian and bisexual women is needed to more accurately estimate and explain observed differences.

Feasibility of a twitter campaign to promote HPV vaccine uptake among racially/ethnically diverse young adult women living in public housing.

BACKGROUND: Uptake and completion of the HPV vaccine is suboptimal. This study assessed the feasibility of implementing a one-month Twitter campaign to promote knowledge about the human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine among low-income women living in public housing. METHODS: We recruited a convenience sample (n = 35) of women ages 18-26 years residing in low-come, public housing in Massachusetts. We assessed the feasibility and acceptability of a communication campaign that consisted of daily Twitter messages. Online surveys assessed changes in HPV knowledge, attitudes, and vaccine intentions before and after the campaign. RESULTS: Most believed that Twitter was an acceptable educational strategy and remained engaged with the campaign throughout the intervention. We observed no changes in HPV knowledge, perceived benefits of or barriers to vaccination, decision self-efficacy, or vaccine intentions after the campaign, although perceived risk for cervical cancer decreased. CONCLUSIONS: Twitter may be a feasible and acceptable method for promoting knowledge about the HPV vaccine, but more research is needed to understand how best to reach low-income women with low levels of vaccine uptake. TRIAL REGISTRATION: Clinicaltrials.gov 1,603,045, retrospectively registered 0610/19.

Future Directions for Incorporating Intersectionality Into Quantitative Population Health Research.

Intersectionality, an analytical approach rooted in Black feminist theory and praxis, has become more widely used in population health research. The majority of quantitative population health studies have used intersectionality as a theoretical framework to investigate how multiple social identities rather than social inequalities simultaneously influence health inequities.Although a few researchers have developed methods to assess how multiple forms of interpersonal discrimination shape the health of multiply marginalized groups and others have called for the use of multilevel modeling to examine the role of intersecting dimensions of structural discrimination, critical qualitative, multidisciplinary, and community-based participatory research approaches are needed to more fully incorporate the core ideas of intersectionality-including social inequality, relationality, complexity, power, social context, and social justice-into quantitative population health research studies or programs.By more comprehensively capturing and addressing the influence of intersecting structural factors, social and historical processes, and systems of power and oppression on the health of multiply marginalized individuals, quantitative population health researchers will more fully leverage intersectionality's transformational power and move one step closer to achieving social justice and health equity.

County-level jail incarceration and preterm birth among non-Hispanic Black and white U.S. women, 1999-2015.

Jail incarceration is widely prevalent in the United States, with disproportionate impacts on communities of color, yet little research has quantified its health consequences for communities. We assess county-level jail incarceration as a contextual stressor for individual-level preterm birth among non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women, the vast majority (>99%) of whom were not incarcerated, between 1999 and 2015. We linked county jail incarceration rates to birth certificate data for all births to resident non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women (N = 41, 911, 094). Using multilevel logistic regression models, we estimated the association between quintiles of county jail incarceration rates and the odds of preterm birth, adjusting for maternal- and county-level covariates and state fixed effects. Women living in counties in the highest quintile of jail incarceration rates had 1.08 (95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.07-1.09) times greater odds of preterm birth, adjusting for covariates, compared to women living in counties with the lowest quintile of jail incarceration rates. Taken together with other research, these findings suggest policies to lower jail incarceration rates could potentially help prevent preterm birth and other adverse population health consequences of mass incarceration.