Evolution of a Large-Scale Community-Based Contraceptive Distribution Program in Kinshasa, DRC Based on Process Evaluation.

In a context where distance, user fees, and health staff shortages constitute significant barriers to accessing facility-based family planning services, the use of community-based distributors (CBDs) as counseling and contraceptive providers has been tested in several resource-constrained environments to increase family planning uptake. In the capital city of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Kinshasa, a massive CBD program (AcQual) has been implemented since 2014, with lackluster results measured in terms of the low volume of contraceptives provided. A process evaluation conducted in 2017 assessed the fidelity of implementation of the program compared with the original AcQual design and analyzed gaps in provider training and motivation, contraceptive supplies, and reporting and monitoring processes. Its objective was to identify both theory and implementation failures in order to propose midcourse corrections for the program. The mixed-method data collection focused on the CBDs as a pivotal component of the AcQual program with 700 active CBDs interviewed. In addition, 10 in-depth interviews were conducted with clinical personnel, local health program managers, and project partners to identify gaps in the AcQual implementation environment. Issues with CBDs' performance, knowledge retention, and commitment to program activities, as well as gaps in contraceptive supply chains and insufficient monitoring and supervision processes, were the main implementation failures identified. Inappropriate method mix offered by the CBDs (condoms, pills, and CycleBeads only) and chronic overburdening of health care staff at the local level compounded these issues and explained the low volume of contraceptives provided through AcQual. Midcourse corrections included a more structured schedule of activities, stronger integration of CBDs with clinical providers and health zone managers, expansion of the mix of contraceptives offered to include subcutaneous injectables and emergency contraceptive pills, and clarifying reporting and monitoring responsibilities among all partners. Findings from this process evaluation contribute to the limited knowledge base regarding "unwelcome results" by examining all the intervention components and their relationships to highlight areas of potential failures, both in design and implementation, for similar CBD programs.

Barriers to Modern Contraceptive Use in Kinshasa, DRC.

Recent research from Kinshasa, DRC, has shown that only one in five married women uses modern contraception; over one quarter have an unmet need for family planning; and almost 400 health facilities across Kinshasa report that they provide modern contraception. This study addresses the question: with reasonable physical access and relatively high unmet need, why is modern contraceptive prevalence so low? To this end, the research team conducted 6 focus groups of women (non-users of any method, users of traditional methods, and users of modern methods) and 4 of husbands (of users of traditional methods and in non-user unions) in health zones with relatively strong physical access to FP services. Five key barriers emerged from the focus group discussions: fear of side effects (especially sterility), costs of the method, sociocultural norms (especially the dominant position of the male in family decision-making), pressure from family members to avoid modern contraception, and lack of information/misinformation. These findings are very similar to those from 12 other studies of sociocultural barriers to family planning in sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, they have strong programmatic implications for the training of FP workers to counsel future clients and for the content of behavior change communication interventions.

Family Planning Supply Environment in Kinshasa, DRC: Survey Findings and Their Value in Advancing Family Planning Programming.

BACKGROUND: Modern contraceptive prevalence was 14.1% in 2007 in Kinshasa, the capital city of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Yet virtually nothing was known about the family planning supply environment. METHODS: Three surveys of health facilities were conducted in 2012, 2013, and 2014 to determine the number, spatial distribution, and attributes of sites providing family planning services. The 2012 and 2013 surveys aimed to identify the universe of family planning facilities while obtaining a limited set of data on "readiness" to provide family planning services (defined as having at least 3 modern methods, at least 1 person training in family planning in the last 3 years, and an information system to track distribution of products to clients) and output (measured by couple-years of protection, or CYP). In contrast, the 2014 survey, conducted under the umbrella of the Performance Monitoring and Accountability 2020 (PMA2020) project, was based on 2-stage cluster sampling. This article provides detailed analysis of the 2012 and 2013 surveys, including bivariate and multivariate analysis of correlates of readiness to provide services and of output. RESULTS: We identified 184 health facilities that reported providing at least 1 contraceptive method in 2012 and 395 facilities in 2013. The percentage of sites defined as "ready" to provide services increased from 44.1% in 2012 to 63.3% in 2013. For the 3-month period between January and March 2013, facilities distributed between 0 and 879.2 CYP (mean, 39.7). Nearly half (49%) of the CYP was attributable to implants, followed by IUDs (24%), CycleBeads (11%), and injectables (8%). In 2013, facilities supported by PEPFAR (n = 121) were more likely than other facilities to be rated as ready to provide services (P<.0001); however, PEPFAR-supported sites generated less CYP on average than sites supported by family planning implementing agencies (P<.0001). Multivariate analysis showed 3 variables were associated with CYP: type of health facility, length of time in operation, and number of contraceptive methods available. Clinics generated higher (3-month) CYP than hospitals and health centers by 65.3 and 61.5 units, respectively (P<.01). The mean CYP for facilities in operation for 4-6 years was 26.9 units higher (P<.05), and 50.2 units higher for those operating 7+ years (P<.01), than the reference group of facilities in operation for 1 year or less. For each additional method available at a facility, CYP increased by almost 8 units (P<.01). CONCLUSIONS: Findings from these surveys suggest that lack of physical access is not the defining reason for low contraceptive use in Kinshasa, although it is highly likely that other service-related factors contribute to low service utilization. The results contributed to increasing the momentum for family planning in the DRC in many ways, including mobilizing partners to increase contraceptive access and increasing donor investment in family planning in the DRC.

Family Planning Policy Environment in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: Levers of Positive Change and Prospects for Sustainability.

Building on expressed support from the Prime Minister to the Ministries of Health and Planning, the country's new family planning commitment grew out of: (1) recognition of the impact of family planning on maternal mortality and economic development; (2) knowledge sharing of best practices from other African countries; (3) participatory development of a national strategic plan; (4) strong collaboration between stakeholders; (5) effective advocacy by champions including country and international experts; and (6) increased donor support. The question becomes: Will the favorable policy environment translate into effective local programming?

Contraceptive method skew and shifts in method mix in low- and middle-income countries.

CONTEXT: Method mix-the percentage distribution of contraceptive users in a given country, by method-is one measure that reflects the availability of a range of contraceptive methods. A skewed method mix-one in which 50% or more of contraceptive users rely on a single method-could be cause for concern as a sign of insufficiency of alternative methods or provider bias. Shifts in method mix are important to individual countries, donors and scholars studying contraceptive dynamics. METHODS: To determine current patterns and recent changes in method mix, we examined 109 low- and middle-income countries. A variety of statistical methods were used to test four factors as correlates of skewed method mix: geographic region, family planning program effort index, modern contraceptive prevalence rate and human development index. An assessment of changes in reliance on female and male sterilization, the IUD, the implant and the injectable was conducted for countries with available data. RESULTS: Of the 109 countries included in this analysis, 30% had a skewed method mix-a modest decrease from 35% in a 2006 analysis. Only geographic region showed any correlation with method skew, but it was only marginally significant. The proportion of users relying on female sterilization, male sterilization or the IUD decreased in far more countries than it increased; the pattern was reversed for the injectable. CONCLUSION: Method mix skew is not a definitive indicator of lack of contraceptive choice or provider bias; it may instead reflect cultural preferences. In countries with a skewed method mix, investigation is warranted to identify the cause.

Voluntary medical male circumcision: a qualitative study exploring the challenges of costing demand creation in eastern and southern Africa.

BACKGROUND: This paper proposes an approach to estimating the costs of demand creation for voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) scale-up in 13 countries of eastern and southern Africa. It addresses two key questions: (1) what are the elements of a standardized package for demand creation? And (2) what challenges exist and must be taken into account in estimating the costs of demand creation? METHODS AND FINDINGS: We conducted a key informant study on VMMC demand creation using purposive sampling to recruit seven people who provide technical assistance to government programs and manage budgets for VMMC demand creation. Key informants provided their views on the important elements of VMMC demand creation and the most effective funding allocations across different types of communication approaches (e.g., mass media, small media, outreach/mobilization). The key finding was the wide range of views, suggesting that a standard package of core demand creation elements would not be universally applicable. This underscored the importance of tailoring demand creation strategies and estimates to specific country contexts before estimating costs. The key informant interviews, supplemented by the researchers' field experience, identified these issues to be addressed in future costing exercises: variations in the cost of VMMC demand creation activities by country and program, decisions about the quality and comprehensiveness of programming, and lack of data on critical elements needed to "trigger the decision" among eligible men. CONCLUSIONS: Based on this study's findings, we propose a seven-step methodological approach to estimate the cost of VMMC scale-up in a priority country, based on our key assumptions. However, further work is needed to better understand core components of a demand creation package and how to cost them. Notwithstanding the methodological challenges, estimating the cost of demand creation remains an essential element in deriving estimates of the total costs for VMMC scale-up in eastern and southern Africa.

Access as a factor in differential contraceptive use between Mayans and ladinos in Guatemala.

Previous studies have demonstrated consistently that the Mayan women of Guatemala have a far lower level of contraceptive use than their ladino counterparts (e.g. 50% versus 13% in the 1998 Demographic and Health Survey - DHS). Most researchers and practitioners have attributed this to social, economic and cultural differences between the two groups that result in Mayans having a far lower demand for family planning than ladinos. This paper tests an alternative hypothesis: that the contraceptive supply environment may be more limited for Mayans than ladinos. This analysis uses an innovative approach of linking household level data from the 1995/6 Guatemala DHS and with facility-level data from the 1997 Providers Census for four highland departments in which the latter was conducted. On average, married women of reproductive age in the four departments lived 2 km from a facility that provided some type of contraception. Mayans and ladinos did not differ significantly in terms of (1) mean distance to the closest facility offering family planning services, or (2) mean distance to a facility providing each specific method (except injectables). Mayans were more likely to live closer to an APROFAM clinic, whereas ladinos were closer to a facility that offered access to injectables. Otherwise, the family planning supply environment differed little for the two groups. However, access may not be the determining factor in contraceptive use, given that less than 8% of users got their (last) contraceptive from the nearest facility. Moreover, APROFAM - which was the nearest facility for only 7% of the respondents in this study - was the source of supply for 48% of users. Although this study does not directly measure quality, the characteristics that differentiate APROFAM from other service providers point to quality as more important than physical access or cost in source of contraception among this group of users.