Do wealth and inequality associate with health in a small-scale subsistence society?

In high-income countries, one's relative socio-economic position and economic inequality may affect health and well-being, arguably via psychosocial stress. We tested this in a small-scale subsistence society, the Tsimane, by associating relative household wealth (n = 871) and community-level wealth inequality (n = 40, Gini = 0.15-0.53) with a range of psychological variables, stressors, and health outcomes (depressive symptoms [n = 670], social conflicts [n = 401], non-social problems [n = 398], social support [n = 399], cortisol [n = 811], body mass index [n = 9,926], blood pressure [n = 3,195], self-rated health [n = 2523], morbidities [n = 1542]) controlling for community-average wealth, age, sex, household size, community size, and distance to markets. Wealthier people largely had better outcomes while inequality associated with more respiratory disease, a leading cause of mortality. Greater inequality and lower wealth were associated with higher blood pressure. Psychosocial factors did not mediate wealth-health associations. Thus, relative socio-economic position and inequality may affect health across diverse societies, though this is likely exacerbated in high-income countries.

Poverty is bad for health. People living in poverty are more likely to struggle to afford nutritious food, lack access to health care, or be overworked or stressed. This may make them susceptible to chronic diseases, contribute to faster aging, and shorten their lifespans. In high-income countries, there is growing evidence to suggest that a person's 'rank' in society also impacts their health. For example, individuals who have a lower position in the social hierarchy report worse health outcomes, regardless of their incomes. But it is unclear why living in an unequal society or having a lower social status contributes to poorer health. One possibility is that inequalities in society are creating a stressful environment that leads to worse physical and mental outcomes. It is thought that this stress largely comes from how humans evolved to prioritize reaching a higher social status over having a long and healthy life. If this is the case, this would mean that the link between social status and health would also be present in non-industrialized communities where social hierarchies tend to be less pronounced. To test this, Jaeggi, Blackwell et al. studied the Indigenous Tsimane population in Bolivia who live in small communities and forage and farm their own food. The income and relative wealth of 870 households from 40 Tsimane communities were compared against various outcomes, including symptoms associated with depression, stress hormone levels, blood pressure, self-rated health and several diseases. Jaeggi, Blackwell et al. found poverty and inequality did not negatively impact all of the health outcomes measured as has been previously reported for industrialized societies. However, blood pressure was higher among people with lower incomes or those who lived in more unequal communities. But because the Tsimane people generally have low blood pressure, the differences were too small to have much effect on their health. People who lived in more unequal communities were also three times more likely to have respiratory infections, but the reason for this was unclear. This shows that social determinants such as a person's wealth or inequality can affect health, even in communities with less rigid social hierarchies. In industrial societies the effect may be worse in part because they are compounded by lifestyle factors, such as diets rich in fat and sugar, and physical inactivity which can also increase blood pressure. This information may help policy makers reduce health disparities by addressing some of the social determinants of health and the lifestyle factors that cause them.

Mother's social status is associated with child health in a horticulturalist population.

High social status is often associated with greater mating opportunities and fertility for men, but do women also obtain fitness benefits of high status? Greater resource access and child survivorship may be principal pathways through which social status increases women's fitness. Here, we examine whether peer-rankings of women's social status (indicated by political influence, project leadership, and respect) positively covaries with child nutritional status and health in a community of Amazonian horticulturalists. We find that maternal political influence is associated with improved child health outcomes in models adjusting for maternal age, parental height and weight, level of schooling, household income, family size, and number of kin in the community. Children of politically influential women have higher weight-for-age (B = 0.33; 95% CI = 0.12-0.54), height-for-age (B = 0.32; 95% CI = 0.10-0.54), and weight-for-height (B = 0.24; 95% CI = 0.04-0.44), and they are less likely to be diagnosed with common illnesses (OR = 0.48; 95% CI = 0.31-0.76). These results are consistent with women leveraging their social status to enhance reproductive success through improvements in child health. We discuss these results in light of parental investment theory and the implications for the evolution of female social status in humans.

A matter of perception: Perceived socio-economic status and cortisol on the island of Utila, Honduras.

OBJECTIVES: Numerous studies link low objective and subjective socioeconomic status (SES) to chronic activation of the hypothalamic pituitary adrenal (HPA) axis. Here, we examine associations between objective and subjective SES and diurnal salivary cortisol, a primary HPA component, as well as demographic and ecological predictors associated with SES perceptions and changes in diurnal cortisol. METHODS: Participants were residents (age 18-79, n = 61) of Utila, a Honduran island where economic disparities are overt and geographically contained. Objective SES was measured as a composite of income, education, and occupation. Subjective SES was measured with a MacArthur ladder and a perceived lifestyle discrepancy (PLD) scale. Salivary cortisol was collected three times per day for two days. Questions addressing demographic, social, and household characteristics were assessed as predictors of PLD. RESULTS: Assessed independently, objective SES (P = .06) and PLD (P = .003) were associated with the steepness of diurnal cortisol changes, while PLD was also associated with higher cortisol area under the curve (AUC) (P = .036). Modeled together, only PLD predicted diurnal slope and AUC. PLD was associated with household sanitation, immigration status, food scarcity, objective SES, and owing money. Only access to sanitation and owing money had direct associations with cortisol that were not mediated by PLD. CONCLUSIONS: For adults on Utila, perceptions of unmet need outweigh other social and economic status factors in predicting cortisol AUC and slope. In addition, the unmediated effects of access to sanitation and owing money on cortisol suggest that these distinct aspects of inequality are important to consider when seeking to understand how inequality can impact HPA function.

Heterogeneous effects of market integration on sub-adult body size and nutritional status among the Shuar of Amazonian Ecuador.

BACKGROUND: Market integration (MI)-increasing production for and consumption from a market-based economy-is drastically altering traditional ways of life and environmental conditions among indigenous Amazonian peoples. The effects of MI on the biology and health of Amazonian children and adolescents, however, remain unclear. AIM: This study examines the impact of MI on sub-adult body size and nutritional status at the population, regional and household levels among the Shuar of Amazonian Ecuador. SUBJECTS AND METHODS: Anthropometric data were collected between 2005-2014 from 2164 Shuar (aged 2-19 years) living in two geographic regions differing in general degree of MI. High-resolution household economic, lifestyle and dietary data were collected from a sub-sample of 631 participants. Analyses were performed to investigate relationships between body size and year of data collection, region and specific aspects of household MI. RESULTS: Results from temporal and regional analyses suggest that MI has a significant and overall positive impact on Shuar body size and nutritional status. However, household-level results exhibit nuanced and heterogeneous specific effects of MI underlying these overarching relationships. CONCLUSION: This study provides novel insight into the complex socio-ecological pathways linking MI, physical growth and health among the Shuar and other indigenous Amazonian populations.

Implications of market integration for cardiovascular and metabolic health among an indigenous Amazonian Ecuadorian population.

BACKGROUND: Market integration (MI), the suite of social and cultural changes that occur with economic development, has been associated with negative health outcomes such as cardiovascular disease; however, key questions remain about how this transition manifests at the local level. AIM: The present paper investigates the effects of MI on health among Shuar, an indigenous lowland Ecuadorian population, with the goal of better understanding the mechanisms responsible for this health transition. SUBJECTS AND METHODS: This study examines associations between measures of MI and several dimensions of cardiovascular and metabolic health (fasting glucose, lipids [LDL, HDL and total cholesterol; triglycerides] and blood pressure) among 348 adults. RESULTS: Overall, Shuar males and females have relatively favourable cardiovascular and metabolic health. Shuar who live closer to town have higher total (p < 0.001) and HDL cholesterol (p < 0.001), while Shuar in more remote regions have higher diastolic blood pressure (p = 0.007). HDL cholesterol is positively associated with consumption of market foods (r = 0.140; p = 0.045) and ownership of consumer products (r = 0.184; p = 0.029). CONCLUSIONS: This study provides evidence that MI among Shuar is not a uniformly negative process but instead produces complex cardiovascular and metabolic health outcomes.

Does blood pressure inevitably rise with age?: longitudinal evidence among forager-horticulturalists.

The rise in blood pressure with age is a major risk factor for cardiovascular and renal disease, stroke, and type 2 diabetes mellitus. Age-related increases in blood pressure have been observed in almost every population, except among hunter-gatherers, farmers, and pastoralists. Here we tested for age-related increases in blood pressure among Tsimane forager-farmers. We also test whether lifestyle changes associated with modernization lead to higher blood pressure and a greater rate of age-related increase in blood pressure. We measured blood pressure longitudinally on 2248 adults age ≥ 20 years (n=6468 observations over 8 years). Prevalence of hypertension was 3.9% for women and 5.2% for men, although diagnosis of persistent hypertension based on multiple observations reduced prevalence to 2.9% for both sexes. Mixed-effects models revealed systolic, diastolic, and pulse blood pressure increases of 2.86 (P<0.001), 0.95 (P<0.001), and 1.95 mmHg (P<0.001) per decade for women and 0.91 (P<0.001), 0.93 (P<0.001), and -0.02 mmHg (P=0.93) for men, substantially lower than rates found elsewhere. Lifestyle factors, such as smoking and Spanish fluency, had minimal effect on mean blood pressure and no effect on age-related increases in blood pressure. Greater town proximity was associated with a lower age-related increase in pulse pressure. Effects of modernization were, therefore, deemed minimal among Tsimane, in light of their lean physique, active lifestyle, and protective diet.