Trend Toward Older Maternal Age Contributed To Growing Racial Inequity In Very-Low-Birthweight Infants In The US.

In 2016 the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that for the first time, US women in their thirties were bearing more children than those in their twenties. Analyzing US vital statistics data from the period 1989-2019, we simulated the effect that the distributional shift to older maternal ages at first birth had on health inequity between Black and White infants. Net of maternal socioeconomic indicators, this shift increased the relative odds that White women gave birth to very-low-birthweight (VLBW) infants by 10 percent, versus 19 percent for Black women, largely accounting for the rise in VLBW and the increase in racial inequity seen in the years analyzed. Reductions in infant mortality over the period were dampened by the maternal age shift, especially among Black babies, exacerbating Black-White inequity. Policy implications for promoting reproductive justice include universal tertiary care access, increasing the supply and distribution of maternity care providers, addressing the holistic needs of mothers throughout pregnancy and postpartum, and expanding family support policies. Conceptually, we recommend centering the realities of pregnancy and parenting from the perspective of the populations at highest risk-centering on the margins-and taking into account their implications for maternal weathering (accelerated deterioration due to disparate impacts of structural racism).

Partisan Control of U.S. State Governments: Politics as a Social Determinant of Infant Health.

INTRODUCTION: State policies and programs affect population health; yet, little is known about the connections between health and the political institutions and actors that prescribe and execute those policies and programs. METHODS: The 2-way fixed-effects regression models were fitted to data from the National Center for Health Statistics, 1969-2014, to estimate logged infant mortality rate differentials between Republican- and non-Republican‒controlled state legislatures. These data were used in 2020 to hypothesize that net of trend, fluctuations in infant mortality rates-overall and by race-correlate with the party that controls state legislatures (the Lower House, the Upper House, and Congress). RESULTS: Findings show that state infant and postneonatal mortality rates are substantively higher under Republican-controlled state legislatures than under non-Republican‒controlled ones. The effect size is larger for postneonatal than for neonatal mortality. Findings suggest that effects may be greater for Black than for White infants, although the race-specific results are estimated imprecisely. The governor's party shows no substantive impacts on infant mortality rates net of party control of the Lower House. CONCLUSIONS: Findings support the proposition that the social determinants of health are constructed, at least in part, by the power vested in governments.

The Political Realignment of Health: How Partisan Power Shaped Infant Health in the United States, 1915-2017.

The US two-party system was transformed in the 1960s when the Democratic Party abandoned its Jim Crow protectionism to incorporate the policy agenda fostered by the civil rights movement, and the Republican Party redirected its platform toward socioeconomic and racial conservatism. The authors argue that the policy agendas promoted by the two parties through presidents and state legislatures codify a racially patterned access to resources and power detrimental to the health of all. To test the hypothesis that fluctuations in overall and race-specific infant mortality rates (IMRs) shift between the parties in power before and after the political realignment (PR), the authors apply panel data analysis methods to state-level data from the National Center for Health Statistics for the period 1915 through 2017. Net of trend, overall, and race-specific IMRs were not statistically different between presidential parties before the PR. This pattern, however, changed after the PR, with Republican administrations consistently underperforming Democratic ones. Net of trend, non-Southern state legislatures controlled by Republicans underperform Democratic ones in overall and racial IMRs in both periods.

Coming up short: Comparing venous blood, dried blood spots & saliva samples for measuring telomere length in health equity research.

BACKGROUND: Telomere length (TL) in peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMC) from fresh venous blood is increasingly used to estimate molecular impacts of accumulated social adversity on population health. Sometimes, TL extracted from saliva or dried blood spots (DBS) are substituted as less invasive and more scalable specimen collection methods; yet, are they interchangeable with fresh blood? Studies find TL is correlated across tissues, but have not addressed the critical question for social epidemiological applications: Do different specimen types show the same association between TL and social constructs? METHODS: We integrate expertise in social epidemiology, molecular biology, and the statistical impact of measurement error on parameter estimates. Recruiting a diverse sample of 132 Metro-Detroit women, we measure TL for each woman from fresh blood PBMC, DBS, and saliva. Using regression methods, we estimate associations between social characteristics and TL, comparing estimates across specimen types for each woman. RESULTS: Associations between TL and social characteristics vary by specimen type collected from the same woman, sometimes qualitatively altering estimates of the magnitude or direction of a theorized relationship. Being Black is associated with shorter TL in PBMC, but longer TL in saliva or DBS. Education is positively associated with TL in fresh blood, but negatively associated with TL using DBS. CONCLUSION: Findings raise concerns about the use of TL measures derived from different tissues in social epidemiological research. Investigators need to consider the possibility that associations between social variables and TL may be systematically related to specimen type, rather than be valid indicators of socially-patterned biopsychosocial processes.

Associations between breast cancer subtype and neighborhood socioeconomic and racial composition among Black and White women.

PURPOSE: Studies of Black-White differences in breast cancer subtype often emphasize potential ancestry-associated genetic or lifestyle risk factors without fully considering how the social or economic implications of race in the U.S. may influence risk. We assess whether neighborhood racial composition and/or socioeconomic status are associated with odds of triple-negative breast cancer (TNBC) diagnosis relative to the less-aggressive hormone receptor-positive/HER2-negative subtype (HR+ /HER-), and whether the observed relationships vary across women's race and age groups. METHODS: We use multilevel generalized estimating equation models to evaluate odds of TNBC vs. HR+ /HER2- subtypes in a population-based cohort of 7291 Black and 74,208 White women diagnosed with breast cancer from 2006 to 2014. Final models include both neighborhood-level variables, adjusting for individual demographics and tumor characteristics. RESULTS: Relative to the HR+ /HER- subtype, we found modestly lower odds of TNBC subtype among White women with higher neighborhood median household income (statistically significant within the 45-64 age group, OR = 0.981 per $10,000 increase). Among Black women, both higher neighborhood income and higher percentages of Black neighborhood residents were associated with lower odds of TNBC relative to HR+ /HER2-. The largest reduction was observed among Black women diagnosed at age ≥ 65 (OR = 0.938 per $10,000 increase; OR = 0.942 per 10% increase in Black residents). CONCLUSION: The relationships between neighborhood composition, neighborhood socioeconomic status, and odds of TNBC differ by race and age. Racially patterned social factors warrant further exploration in breast cancer subtype disparities research.

Weathering, Drugs, and Whack-a-Mole: Fundamental and Proximate Causes of Widening Educational Inequity in U.S. Life Expectancy by Sex and Race, 1990-2015.

Discussion of growing inequity in U.S. life expectancy increasingly focuses on the popularized narrative that it is driven by a surge of "deaths of despair." Does this narrative fit the empirical evidence? Using census and Vital Statistics data, we apply life-table methods to calculate cause-specific years of life lost between ages 25 and 84 by sex and educational rank for non-Hispanic blacks and whites in 1990 and 2015. Drug overdoses do contribute importantly to widening inequity for whites, especially men, but trivially for blacks. The contribution of suicide to growing inequity is unremarkable. Cardiovascular disease, non-lung cancers, and other internal causes are key to explaining growing life expectancy inequity. Results underline the speculative nature of attempts to attribute trends in life-expectancy inequity to an epidemic of despair. They call for continued investigation of the possible weathering effects of tenacious high-effort coping with chronic stressors on the health of marginalized populations.

Measuring Recent Apparent Declines In Longevity: The Role Of Increasing Educational Attainment.

Independent researchers have reported an alarming decline in life expectancy after 1990 among US non-Hispanic whites with less than a high school education. However, US educational attainment rose dramatically during the twentieth century; thus, focusing on changes in mortality rates of those not completing high school means looking at a different, shrinking, and increasingly vulnerable segment of the population in each year. We analyzed US data to examine the robustness of earlier findings categorizing education in terms of relative rank in the overall distribution of each birth cohort, instead of by credentials such as high school graduation. Estimating trends in mortality for the bottom quartile, we found little evidence that survival probabilities declined dramatically. We conclude that widely publicized estimates of worsening mortality rates among non-Hispanic whites with low socioeconomic position are highly sensitive to how educational attainment is classified. However, non-Hispanic whites with low socioeconomic position, especially women, are not sharing in improving life expectancy, and disparities between US blacks and whites are entrenched. Findings underscore the urgency of an agenda to equitably disseminate new medical technologies and to deepen knowledge of social determinants of health and how that knowledge can be applied, to promote the objective of achieving population health equity.

Black lives matter: Differential mortality and the racial composition of the U.S. electorate, 1970-2004.

Excess mortality in marginalized populations could be both a cause and an effect of political processes. We estimate the impact of mortality differentials between blacks and whites from 1970 to 2004 on the racial composition of the electorate in the US general election of 2004 and in close statewide elections during the study period. We analyze 73 million US deaths from the Multiple Cause of Death files to calculate: (1) Total excess deaths among blacks between 1970 and 2004, (2) total hypothetical survivors to 2004, (3) the probability that survivors would have turned out to vote in 2004, (4) total black votes lost in 2004, and (5) total black votes lost by each presidential candidate. We estimate 2.7 million excess black deaths between 1970 and 2004. Of those, 1.9 million would have survived until 2004, of which over 1.7 million would have been of voting-age. We estimate that 1 million black votes were lost in 2004; of these, 900,000 votes were lost by the defeated Democratic presidential nominee. We find that many close state-level elections over the study period would likely have had different outcomes if voting age blacks had the mortality profiles of whites. US black voting rights are also eroded through felony disenfranchisement laws and other measures that dampen the voice of the US black electorate. Systematic disenfranchisement by population group yields an electorate that is unrepresentative of the full interests of the citizenry and affects the chance that elected officials have mandates to eliminate health inequality.

Residential mobility across local areas in the United States and the geographic distribution of the healthy population.

Determining whether population dynamics provide competing explanations to place effects for observed geographic patterns of population health is critical for understanding health inequality. We focus on the working-age population-the period of adulthood when health disparities are greatest-and analyze detailed data on residential mobility collected for the first time in the 2000 U.S. census. Residential mobility over a five-year period is frequent and selective, with some variation by race and gender. Even so, we found little evidence that mobility biases cross-sectional snapshots of local population health. Areas undergoing large or rapid population growth or decline may be exceptions. Overall, place of residence is an important health indicator; yet, the frequency of residential mobility raises questions of interpretation from etiological or policy perspectives, complicating simple understandings that residential exposures alone explain the association between place and health. Psychosocial stressors related to contingencies of social identity associated with being black, urban, or poor in the United States may also have adverse health impacts that track with structural location even with movement across residential areas.

US infant mortality and the President's party.

BACKGROUND: Infant mortality rates in the US exceed those in all other developed countries and in many less developed countries, suggesting political factors may contribute. METHODS: Annual time series on overall, White and Black infant mortality rates in the US were analysed over the 1965-2010 time period to ascertain whether infant mortality rates varied across presidential administrations. Data were de-trended using cubic splines and analysed using both graphical and time series regression methods. RESULTS: Across all nine presidential administrations, infant mortality rates were below trend when the President was a Democrat and above trend when the President was a Republican. This was true for overall, neonatal and postneonatal mortality. Regression estimates show that, relative to trend, Republican administrations were characterized by infant mortality rates that were, on average, 3% higher than Democratic administrations. In proportional terms, effect size is similar for US Whites and Blacks. US Black rates are more than twice as high as White, implying substantially larger absolute effects for Blacks. CONCLUSIONS: We found a robust, quantitatively important association between net of trend US infant mortality rates and the party affiliation of the president. There may be overlooked ways by which macro-dynamics of policy impact microdynamics of physiology, suggesting the political system is a component of the underlying mechanism generating health inequality in the USA.

Reconciling findings on the employment effect of disability insurance.

Over the last 25 years, the Social Security Disability Insurance Program (DI) has grown dramatically. During the same period, employment rates for men with work limitations showed substantial declines in both absolute and relative terms. While the timing of these trends suggests that the expansion of DI was a major contributor to employment decline among this group, raising questions about the targeting of disability benefits, studies using denied applicants suggest a more modest role of the DI expansion. To reconcile these findings, we decompose total employment changes into population and employment changes for three categories: DI beneficiaries, denied applicants, and non-applicants. Our results show that during the early 1990s, the growth in DI can fully explain the employment decline for men only under an extreme assumption about the employment potential of beneficiaries. For the period after the mid-1990s, we find little role for the DI program in explaining the continuing employment decline for men with work limitations.

Excess black mortality in the United States and in selected black and white high-poverty areas, 1980-2000.

OBJECTIVES: Black working-aged residents of urban high-poverty areas suffered severe excess mortality in 1980 and 1990. Our goal in this study was to determine whether this trend persisted in 2000. METHODS: We analyzed death certificate and census data to estimate age-standardized all-cause and cause-specific mortality among 16- to 64-year-old Blacks and Whites nationwide and in selected urban and rural high-poverty areas. RESULTS: Urban men's mortality rate estimates peaked in 1990 and declined between 1990 and 2000 back to or below 1980 levels. Evidence of excess mortality declines among urban or rural women and among rural men was modest, with some increases. Between 1980 and 2000, there was little decline in chronic disease mortality among men and women in most areas, and in some instances there were increases. CONCLUSIONS: In 2000, despite improved economic conditions, working-age residents of the study areas still died disproportionately of early onset of chronic disease, suggesting an entrenched burden of disease and unmet health care needs. The lack of consistent improvement in death rates among working-age residents of high-poverty areas since 1980 necessitates reflection and concerted action given that sustainable progress has been elusive for this age group.

Health, Economic Resources and the Work Decisions of Older Men.

We specify a dynamic programming model that addresses the interplay among health, financial resources, and the labor market behavior of men late in their working lives. We model health as a latent variable, for which self reported disability status is an indicator, and allow self-reported disability to be endogenous to labor market behavior. We use panel data from the Health and Retirement Study. While we find large impacts of health on behavior, they are substantially smaller than in models that treat self-reports as exogenous. We also simulate the impacts of several potential reforms to the Social Security program.

Maternal upward socioeconomic mobility and black-white disparities in infant birthweight.

OBJECTIVES: We estimate the extent to which upward socioeconomic mobility limits the probability that Black and White women who spent their childhoods in or near poverty will give birth to a low-birthweight baby. METHODS: Data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 and the 1970 US Census were used to complete a series of logistic regression models. We restricted multivariate analyses to female survey respondents who, at 14 years of age, were living in households in which the income-to-needs ratio did not exceed 200% of poverty. RESULTS: For White women, the probability of giving birth to a low-birthweight baby decreases by 48% for every 1 unit increase in the natural logarithm of adult family income, once the effects of all other covariates are taken into account. For Black women, the relation between adult family income and the probability of low birthweight is also negative; however, this association fails to reach statistical significance. CONCLUSIONS: Upward socioeconomic mobility contributes to improved birth outcomes among infants born to White women who were poor as children, but the same does not hold true for their Black counterparts.

"Weathering" and age patterns of allostatic load scores among blacks and whites in the United States.

OBJECTIVES: We considered whether US Blacks experience early health deterioration, as measured across biological indicators of repeated exposure and adaptation to stressors. METHODS: Using National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey data, we examined allostatic load scores for adults aged 18-64 years. We estimated probability of a high score by age, race, gender, and poverty status and Blacks' odds of having a high score relative to Whites' odds. RESULTS: Blacks had higher scores than did Whites and had a greater probability of a high score at all ages, particularly at 35-64 years. Racial differences were not explained by poverty. Poor and nonpoor Black women had the highest and second highest probability of high allostatic load scores, respectively, and the highest excess scores compared with their male or White counterparts. CONCLUSIONS: We found evidence that racial inequalities in health exist across a range of biological systems among adults and are not explained by racial differences in poverty. The weathering effects of living in a race-conscious society may be greatest among those Blacks most likely to engage in high-effort coping.