Women's autonomy and maternal health decision making in Kenya: implications for service delivery reform - a qualitative study.

BACKGROUND: Maternal and neonatal outcomes in, Kakamega County is characterized by a maternal mortality rate of 316 per 100,000 live births and a neonatal mortality rate of 19 per 1,000 live births. In 2018, approximately 70,000 births occurred in the county, with 35% at home, 28% in primary care facilities, and 37% in hospitals. A maternal and child health service delivery redesign (SDR) that aims to reorganize maternal and newborn health services is being implemented in Kakamega County in Kenya to improve the progress of these indicators. Research has shown that women's ability to make decisions (voice, agency, and autonomy) is critical for gender equality, empowerment and an important determinant of access and utilization. As part of the Kakamega SDR process evaluation, this study sought to understand women's processes of decision-making in seeking maternal health care and how these affect women's ability to access and use antenatal, delivery, and post-natal services. METHODS: We adapted the International Centre for Research on Women (ICRW) conceptual framework for reproductive empowerment to focus on the interrelated concepts of "female autonomy", and "women's agency" with the latter incorporating 'voice', 'choice' and 'power'. Our adaptation did not consider the influence of sexual relationships and leadership on SRH decision-making. We conducted key informant interviews, in-depth interviews, small group interviews and focus group discussions with pregnant women attending Antenatal clinics, women who had delivered, women attending post-natal clinics, and men in Kakamega County. A thematic analysis approach was used to analyze the data in NVivo 12. RESULTS: The results revealed notable findings across three dimensions of agency. Women with previous birthing experiences, high self-esteem, and support from their social networks exhibited greater agency. Additionally, positive previous birthing experiences were associated with increased confidence in making reproductive health choices. Women who had control over financial resources and experienced respectful communication with their partners exhibited higher levels of agency within their households. Distance relational agency demonstrated the impact of health system factors and socio-cultural norms on women's agency and autonomy. Finally, women who faced barriers such as long waiting times or limited staff availability experienced reduced agency in seeking healthcare. CONCLUSIONS: Individual agency, immediate relational agency, and distance relational agency all play crucial roles in shaping women's decision-making power and control over their utilization of maternal health services. This study offers valuable insights that can guide the ongoing implementation of an innovative service delivery redesign model, emphasizing the critical need for developing context-specific strategies to promote women's voices for sustained use.

Health reform in Nigeria: the politics of primary health care and universal health coverage.

Over the past decade, Nigeria has seen major attempts to strengthen primary health care, through the Saving One Million Lives (SOML) initiative, and to move towards universal health care, through the National Health Act. Both initiatives were successfully adopted, but faced political and institutional challenges in implementation and sustainability. We analyse these programmes from a political economy perspective, examining barriers to and facilitators of adoption and implementation throughout the policy cycle, and drawing on political settlement analysis (PSA) to identify structural challenges which both programmes faced. The SOML began in 2012 and was expanded in 2015. However, the programme's champion left government in 2013, a key funding source was eliminated in 2015, and the programme did not continue after external funding elapsed in 2021. The National Health Act passed in 2014 after over a decade of advocacy by proponents. However, the Act's governance reforms led to conflict between health sector agencies, about both reform content and process. Nine years after the Act's passage, disbursements have been sporadic, and implementation remains incomplete. Both programmes show the promise of major health reforms in Nigeria, but also the political and institutional challenges they face. In both cases, health leaders crafted evidence-based policies and managed stakeholders to achieve policy adoption. Yet political and institutional challenges hindered implementation. Institutionally, horizontal and vertical fragmentation of authority within the sector impeded coordination. Politically, electoral cycles led to frequent turnover of sectoral leadership, while senior politicians did not intervene to support fundamental institutional reforms. Using PSA, we identify these as features of a 'competitive clientelist' political settlement, in which attempts to shift from clientelist to programmatic policies generate powerful opposition. Nonetheless, we highlight that some policymakers sought to use health reforms to change institutions at the margin, suggesting future avenues for governance-oriented health reforms.

Comparative Politics, Political Settlements, and the Political Economy of Health Financing Reform Comment on "Health Coverage and Financial Protection in Uganda: A Political Economy Perspective".

Nannini et al analyze barriers to national health insurance reforms in Uganda using a political economy approach primarily rooted in stakeholder analysis. This approach is valuable, not only for its clear description of the interest-based politics at play, but also for its extension of stakeholder analysis to include consideration of the role of ideas and institutions in the policy process. However this analysis, and others like it, could be further strengthened by adding insights from two different sources. The first is the comparative politics literature on the Ugandan regime. The second is a related approach which analyzes public service delivery in the context of a country's underlying "political settlement." Stakeholder-based approaches to health financing reform emphasize interest group conflict about the contents of policy reforms. By contrast, these complementary approaches imply distinct barriers to successful implementation of national health insurance in Uganda, rooted in the regime's de-industrialization and the personalization of politics and resource allocation. They also suggest possible leverage points or avenues for progress which differ from those suggested by stakeholder analysis.

The Politics of Health Policy Agenda Setting in India: The Case of the PMJAY Program.

In 2018, India's Prime Minister announced a new health insurance program, Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PMJAY), aiming to cover over 500 million people. This paper seeks to document and explain the emergence of PMJAY on India's political and policy agendas. We analyze media, election manifestos, legislative debates, and health budgets to compare PMJAY's presence on India's policy agenda to previous health programs. We then apply Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework to explain the program's emergence and adoption, validating our data and interpretations through consultations with Indian health policy experts. Comparing respective launch years, PMJAY was covered in national newspapers 37 to 212 times more than previous flagship health programs, although it was not more prominent in parliamentary debates or in the health budget. Events in the problem, politics, and policy streams converged to enable its prominence. Health policy elites who favored insurance as a policy to address out-of-pocket health expenditures gained influence after the 2014 election victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). PMJAY's naming and branding, scale, timing, implementation style, and design aligned with both the BJP's ideology and political strategy. PMJAY represents the increased prominence of health programs in Indian politics, although primarily on the political and media agenda, rather than on the budgetary and legislative agenda during this period. The political forces that facilitated its emergence also shaped its design in ways that are likely to affect the Indian health system's ability to provide comprehensive financial protection in the future.

Health Insurance Loss during COVID-19 May Increase Support for Universal Health Coverage.

CONTEXT: The United States is the only high-income country that relies on employer-sponsored health coverage to insure a majority of its population. Millions of Americans lost employer-sponsored health insurance during the COVID-19-induced economic downturn. We examine public opinion toward universal health coverage policies in this context. METHODS: Through a survey of 1,211 Americans in June 2020, we examine the influence of health insurance loss on support for Medicare for All (M4A) and the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in two ways. First, we examine associations between pandemic-related health insurance loss and M4A support. Second, we experimentally prime some respondents with a vignette of a sympathetic person who lost employer-sponsored coverage during COVID-19. FINDINGS: We find that directly experiencing recent health insurance loss is strongly associated (10 pp, p < 0.01) with greater M4A support and with more favorable views of extending the ACA (19.3 pp, p < 0.01). Experimental exposure to the vignette increases M4A support by 6 pp (p = 0.05). CONCLUSIONS: In the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, situational framings can induce modest change in support for M4A. However, real-world health insurance losses are associated with larger differences in support for M4A and with greater support for existing safety net policies such as the ACA.

The origins of Ethiopia's primary health care expansion: The politics of state building and health system strengthening.

Ethiopia's expansion of primary health care over the past 15 years has been hailed as a model in sub-Saharan Africa. A leader closely associated with the programme, Tedros Adhanom Gebreyesus, is now Director-General of the World Health Organization, and the global movement for expansion of primary health care often cites Ethiopia as a model. Starting in 2004, over 30 000 Health Extension Workers were trained and deployed in Ethiopia and over 2500 health centres and 15 000 village-level health posts were constructed. Ethiopia's reforms are widely attributed to strong leadership and 'political will', but underlying factors that enabled adoption of these policies and implementation at scale are rarely analysed. This article uses a political economy lens to identify factors that enabled Ethiopia to surmount the challenges that have caused the failure of similar primary health programmes in other developing countries. The decision to focus on primary health care was rooted in the ruling party's political strategy of prioritizing rural interests, which had enabled them to govern territory successfully as an insurgency. This wartime rural governance strategy included a primary healthcare programme, providing a model for the later national programme. After taking power, the ruling party created a centralized coalition of regional parties and prioritized extending state and party structures into rural areas. After a party split in 2001, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi consolidated power and implemented a 'developmental state' strategy. In the health sector, this included appointment of a series of dynamic Ministers of Health and the mobilization of significant resources for primary health care from donors. The ruling party's ideology also emphasized mass participation in development activities, which became a central feature of health programmes. Attempts to translate this model to different circumstances should consider the distinctive features of the Ethiopian case, including both the benefits and costs of these strategies.

Hybrid Organizations in Health Systems: The Corporatization of Malaysia's National Heart Institute.

Health system reforms across high- and middle-income countries often involve changes to public hospital governance. Corporatization is one such reform, in which public sector hospitals are granted greater functional independence while remaining publicly owned. In theory, this can improve public hospital efficiency, while retaining a public service ethos. However, the extent to which efficiency gains are realized and public purpose is maintained depends on policy choices about governance and payment systems. We present a case study of Malaysia's National Heart Institute (IJN), which was created in 1992 by corporatization of one department in a large public hospital. The aim of the paper is to examine whether IJN has achieved the goals for which it was created, and if so, whether it provides a potential model for further reforms in Malaysia and other similar health systems. Using a combination of document analysis and key informant interviews, we examine key governance, health financing and payment, and equity issues. For governance, we highlight the choice to have IJN owned by and answerable to a Ministry of Finance (MOF) holding company and MOF-appointed board, rather than the Ministry of Health (MOH). On financing and payment, we analyze the implications of IJN's combined role as fee-for-service provider to MOH as well as provider of care to private patients. For equity, we analyze the targeting of IJN care across publicly-referred and private patients. These issues demonstrate unresolved tensions between IJN's objectives and public service goals. As an institutional innovation that has endured for 28 years and grown dramatically in size and revenue, IJN's trajectory offers critical insights on the relevance of the hybrid public-private models for hospitals in Malaysia as well as in other middle-income countries. While IJN appears to have achieved its goal of establishing itself as a commercially viable, publicly owned center of clinical excellence in Malaysia, the value for money and equity of the services it provides to the Ministry of Health remain unclear. IJN is accountable to a small Ministry of Finance holding company, which means that detailed information required to evaluate these critical questions is not published. The case of IJN highlights that corporatization cannot achieve its stated goals of efficiency, innovation, and equity in isolation; rather it must be supported by broader reforms, including of health financing, payment, governance, and transparency, in order to ensure that autonomous hospitals improve quality and provide efficient care in an equitable way.

The political economy of health financing reform in Malaysia.

There is growing evidence that political economy factors are central to whether or not proposed health financing reforms are adopted, but there is little consensus about which political and institutional factors determine the fate of reform proposals. One set of scholars see the relative strength of interest groups in favour of and opposed to reform as the determining factor. An alternative literature identifies aspects of a country's political institutions-specifically the number and strength of formal 'veto gates' in the political decision-making process-as a key predictor of reform's prospects. A third group of scholars highlight path dependence and 'policy feedback' effects, stressing that the sequence in which health policies are implemented determines the set of feasible reform paths, since successive policy regimes bring into existence patterns of public opinion and interest group mobilization which can lock in the status quo. We examine these theories in the context of Malaysia, a successful health system which has experienced several instances of proposed, but ultimately blocked, health financing reforms. We argue that policy feedback effects on public opinion were the most important factor inhibiting changes to Malaysia's health financing system. Interest group opposition was a closely related factor; this opposition was particularly powerful because political leaders perceived that it had strong public support. Institutional veto gates, by contrast, played a minimal role in preventing health financing reform in Malaysia. Malaysia's dramatic early success at achieving near-universal access to public sector healthcare at low cost created public opinion resistant to any change which could threaten the status quo. We conclude by analysing the implications of these dynamics for future attempts at health financing reform in Malaysia.

Health, financial, and education gains of investing in preventive chemotherapy for schistosomiasis, soil-transmitted helminthiases, and lymphatic filariasis in Madagascar: A modeling study.

BACKGROUND: Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) account for a large disease burden in sub-Saharan Africa. While the general cost-effectiveness of NTD interventions to improve health outcomes has been assessed, few studies have also accounted for the financial and education gains of investing in NTD control. METHODS: We built on extended cost-effectiveness analysis (ECEA) methods to assess the health gains (e.g. infections, disability-adjusted life years or DALYs averted), household financial gains (out-of-pocket expenditures averted), and education gains (cases of school absenteeism averted) for five NTD interventions that the government of Madagascar aims to roll out nationally. The five NTDs considered were schistosomiasis, lymphatic filariasis, and three soil-transmitted helminthiases (Ascaris lumbricoides, Trichuris trichiura, and hookworm infections). RESULTS: The estimated incremental cost-effectiveness for the roll-out of preventive chemotherapy for all NTDs jointly was USD125 per DALY averted (95% uncertainty range: 65-231), and its benefit-cost ratio could vary between 5 and 31. Our analysis estimated that, per dollar spent, schistosomiasis preventive chemotherapy, in particular, could avert a large number of infections (176,000 infections averted per $100,000 spent), DALYs (2,000 averted per $100,000 spent), and cases of school absenteeism (27,000 school years gained per $100,000 spent). CONCLUSION: This analysis incorporates financial and education gains into the economic evaluation of health interventions, and therefore provides information about the efficiency of attainment of three Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Our findings reveal how the national scale-up of NTD control in Madagascar can help address health (SDG3), economic (SDG1), and education (SDG4) goals. This study further highlights the potentially large societal benefits of investing in NTD control in low-resource settings.

100 Years of Mass Deworming Programmes: A Policy Perspective From the World Bank's Disease Control Priorities Analyses.

For more than 100 years, countries have used mass drug administration as a public health response to soil-transmitted helminth infection. The series of analyses published as Disease Control Priorities is the World Bank's vehicle for exploring the cost-effectiveness and value for money of public health interventions. The first edition was published in 1993 as a technical supplement to the World Bank's World Development Report Investing in Health where deworming was used as an illustrative example of value for money in treating diseases with relatively low morbidity but high prevalence. Over the second (2006) and now third (2017) editions deworming has been an increasingly persuasive example to use for this argument. The latest analyses recognize the negative impact of intestinal worm infection on human capital in poor communities and document a continuing decline in worm infection as a result of the combination of high levels of mass treatment and ongoing economic development trends in poor communities.

The performance of Medicare, Medicaid, and individual commercial products.

Medicare, Medicaid, and individual nongovernmental insurance products are marketed by commercial health insurance companies. We propose that the product offerings be viewed as a group rather than as separate products competing for internal company resources. A study population consisting of 35 Aetna plans in 24 states, 124 Blue Cross Blue Shield plans (BCBS) in 45 states and the District of Columbia, 43 Cigna plans in 28 states, and 23 UnitedHealth plans in 22 states was examined on 29 variables, including financial, marketing, and medical management data. The findings revealed that Medicaid and individual nongovernmental products were terminated more often than other products across all ownership types. When BCBS plans were analyzed across for-profit, nonprofit, and mutual ownership types, the companies had distinct preferences for product offerings. The study provided evidence that health plans will limit their exposure to Medicare, Medicaid, and individual nongovernmental products in preference to comprehensive/group products.