RESUMO
Differences in cannabis use patterns among racial, ethnic and sexual minoritized identity subgroups have been attributed to marginalized identity stressors. However, associations at the intersection of these minoritized identities remain underexplored in a changing medical cannabis law (MCL) context. We estimated medical cannabis and daily cannabis use, and cannabis use disorder (CUD) by intersecting racial, ethnic and sexual minoritized identity subgroups. We included 189,800 adults in the 2015-2019 National Survey on Drug Use and Health identifying as non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic Black, or Hispanic and self-reported heterosexual, gay/lesbian, or bisexual sexual identity. We estimated the adjusted odds of past-year: (a) any medical cannabis, (b) daily cannabis use (i.e., 300 + days/year), and (c) DSM-5-proxy CUD by sexual identity, stratified by race and ethnicity. Cannabis measures were higher among sexual minoritized groups than heterosexual adults across racial and ethnic subgroups. Bisexual adults had higher odds of any medical cannabis use than their heterosexual counterparts: non-Hispanic white (6.4% vs. 1.8%; aOR = 2.6, 95% CI = [2.5-3.5]), non-Hispanic Black (4.1% vs. 1.7%; aOR = 2.7, 95% CI = [1.6-4.5]), and Hispanic adults (5.3% vs. 1.8 %; aOR = 2.6, 95% CI = [1.9-3.3]). We found heterogeneous associations with state MCL status across subgroups stratified by race and ethnicity. Bisexual adults in MCL states had higher odds of any medical cannabis use among non-Hispanic white (aOR = 2.0, 95% CI = [1.4-2.9]) and Hispanic (aOR = 3.6, 95% CI = [1.2-10.2]) adults compared to their non-MCL counterparts, but this was marginal among non-Hispanic Black bisexual adults (aOR = 1.6, 95% CI = [1.0-2.6]). Studies should assess intended and unintended cannabis policy effects among racial, ethnic, and sexual identity subgroups.
RESUMO
Research has been mixed on the potential risks and resources that ethnic enclaves may confer upon residents: whereas some authors characterize racial and ethnic minority neighborhoods through the lens of segregation and risk, others argue that these minority neighborhoods are ethnic enclaves that can improve the availability of resources to residents. In this study, we sought to assess two predominantly Latino New York City neighborhoods (one enclave neighborhood and one comparison) in the areas of structural resources (e.g., grocers, parks), cultural resources (e.g., botanicas, hair salons), and risks (e.g., empty lots, bars) by street-level coding in 20 census tracts (streets N = 202). We used Poisson generalized linear models to assess whether enclave status of a neighborhood predicted the numbers of risks and resources on streets within those neighborhoods. Enclave status did not predict the number of risks (Rate ratio = 1.08(0.83, 1.42), χ (2)(1, N = 202) = 0.35, p = n. s.) or cultural resources (Rate ratio = 0.87(0.54, 1.40), χ (2)(1, N = 202) = 0.34, p = n. s.), yet it was associated with a higher number of structural resources (Rate ratio = 1.90(1.48, 2.43), χ (2)(1, N = 202) = 25.74, p < 0.001). The results suggest that while living in an ethnic enclave may not reduce risks, it may help residents cope with those risks through an increased number of structural resources. These findings support theories that conceptualize ethnic enclaves as neighborhoods where greater resources are available to residents. The focus on resources within this work was instrumental, as no difference would have been found if a solely risk-focused approach had been employed.