Polarized Perspectives on Health Equity: Results from a Nationally Representative Survey on U.S. Public Perceptions of COVID-19 Disparities in 2023.

Republicans and Democrats responded in starkly different ways to the COVID-19 pandemic, from their attitudes in 2020 about whether the virus posed a threat to whether the pandemic ended in 2023. The consequences of COVID-19 for health equity has been a central concern in public health, and the concept of health equity has also been beset by partisan polarization. In this essay, we present and discuss nationally-representative survey data from 2023 on U.S. public perceptions of disparities in COVID-19 mortality (building on a multi-wave previous survey effort), as well as causal attributions for racial disparities, the contribution of structural racism, and broader attitudes about public health authority. We find anticipated gulfs in perspectives between Democrats on the one hand, and Independents and Republicans on the other. The results offer a somewhat pessimistic view on the likelihood of finding common ground in how the general public understands health inequities or the role of structural racism in perpetuating them. However, we show that those who acknowledge racial disparities in COVID-19 are more likely to support state public health authority to act for other infectious disease threats. We explore the implications of these public opinion data for advocacy, communication, and future needed research.

Strategic Messaging to Promote Policies that Advance Racial Equity: What Do We Know, and What Do We Need to Learn?

Policy Points Many studies have explored the impact of message strategies to build support for policies that advance racial equity, but few studies examine the effects of richer stories of lived experience and detailed accounts of the ways racism is embedded in policy design and implementation. Longer messages framed to emphasize social and structural causes of racial inequity hold significant potential to enhance support for policies to advance racial equity. There is an urgent need to develop, test, and disseminate communication interventions that center perspectives from historically marginalized people and promote policy advocacy, community mobilization, and collective action to advance racial equity. CONTEXT: Long-standing racial inequities in health and well-being are shaped by racialized public policies that perpetuate disadvantage among Black, Brown, Indigenous, and people of color. Strategic messaging can accelerate public and policymaker support for public policies that advance population health. We lack a comprehensive understanding of lessons learned from work on policy messaging to advance racial equity and the gaps in knowledge it reveals. METHODS: A scoping review of peer-reviewed studies from communication, psychology, political science, sociology, public health, and health policy that have tested how various message strategies influence support and mobilization for racial equity policy domains across a wide variety of social systems. We used keyword database searches, author bibliographic searches, and reviews of reference lists from relevant sources to compile 55 peer-reviewed papers with 80 studies that used experiments to test the effects of one or more message strategies in shaping support for racial equity-related policies, as well as the cognitive/emotional factors that predict their support. FINDINGS: Most studies report on the short-term effects of very short message manipulations. Although many of these studies find evidence that reference to race or use of racial cues tend to undermine support for racial equity-related policies, the accumulated body of evidence has generally not explored the effects of richer, more nuanced stories of lived experience and/or detailed historical and contemporary accounts of the ways racism is embedded in public policy design and implementation. A few well-designed studies offer evidence that longer-form messages framed to emphasize social and structural causes of racial inequity can enhance support for policies to advance racial equity, though many questions require further research. CONCLUSIONS: We conclude by laying out a research agenda to fill numerous wide gaps in the evidentiary base related to building support for racial equity policy across sectors.

Local TV News Coverage of Racial Disparities in COVID-19 During the First Wave of the Pandemic, March-June 2020.

The COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately impacted health and social outcomes for people of color in the United States. This study examined how local TV news stories attributed causes and solutions for COVID-19-related racial health and social disparities, and whether coverage of such disparities changed after George Floyd's murder, during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. We systematically validated keywords to extract relevant news content and conducted a content analysis of 169 discrete local TV news stories aired between March and June 2020 from 80 broadcast networks within 22 purposefully selected media markets. We found that social determinants of COVID-19 related racial disparities have been part of the discussion in local TV news, but racism as a public health crisis was rarely mentioned. Coverage of racial disparities focused far more attention on physical health outcomes than broader social impacts. Stories cited more structural factors than individual factors, as causes of these disparities. After the murder of George Floyd, stories were more likely to mention Black and Latinx people than other populations impacted by COVID-19. Only 9% of local news stories referenced racism, and stories referenced politicians more frequently than public health experts.

Serving the public? A content analysis of COVID-19 public service announcements airing from March - December of 2020 in the U.S.

The objective of this research was to examine the health messages conveyed in public service announcements (PSAs) affiliated with the U.S. federal government response to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. To do so, we conducted a content analysis of 132 federally-affiliated PSAs that were aired 170,820 times between March 12 and December 16, 2020. Using a quantitative coding instrument, we analyzed health behavioral guidance, messages about groups, people depicted, and other PSA features. We calculated frequencies of exposure to messages at the airing-level to account for the varying number of times each PSA was aired. Far more PSAs aired between March and June than between July and December. The most common health guidance was to stay at home (80.7%), practice social distancing (61.9%), and wash hands (54.5%); 36.1% of airings included guidance to wear masks. Few PSAs referenced group differences in risk of infection or transmission, nor did they reference scientific evidence or the future availability of vaccines. PSAs aired in 2020 missed opportunities to convey important information to the public and to center health equity in public communication.

Association of Funding Cuts to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act Navigator Program With Privately Sponsored Television Advertising.

Importance: Many individuals eligible for coverage in the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplace remain unenrolled because of information barriers. Whether the private sector or the public sector should conduct outreach to address these barriers is a topic of active debate. Objective: To determine whether cuts to the funding of the ACA navigator program were associated with changes in the volume of private sector advertising. Design, Setting, and Participants: Using data from the 2015 to 2019 open enrollment periods, this economic evaluation analyzed the changes in advertising associated with 2017 to 2019 cuts to navigator program funding. A difference-in-difference analysis was used to compare outcomes before and after the cuts in counties with higher and lower exposure to the navigator program. Health insurance advertising was measured using data from Kantar/Campaign Media Analysis Group in collaboration with the Wesleyan Media Project, the most comprehensive data available on local broadcast and national cable advertising. The data set included all counties that met the eligibility criteria for the navigator program from 2015 through 2019. Data were analyzed from August 2021 to May 2022. Exposures: Counties were classified as having higher or lower exposure to the navigator program according to the intensity of program activity in 2016, before the funding cuts. Counties served only by statewide navigator programs were categorized as lower exposure, while those also served by local navigator programs were categorized as higher exposure. Main Outcomes and Measures: Number of privately sponsored television advertisement airings for the ACA individual health insurance marketplace during the 2015 to 2019 open enrollment periods in each county, adjusted for population. Results: All counties in 33 states that met the eligibility criteria for the navigator program from 2015 through 2019 were included in the analysis (2435 counties). Cuts to the navigator program were not associated with changes in the number of privately sponsored health insurance advertisements aired. Results were similar under several alternative approaches including an event study specification. Conclusions and Relevance: In this study of the association between television advertising and navigator funding in the ACA marketplaces, private sector entities did not increase their advertising to compensate for declines in government-sponsored navigator activity. This finding can inform policy debates about the extent to which the private sector adjusts in response to changes in government outreach, and thus improve the design of state waivers and federal funding allocations.

Americans' perceptions of health disparities over the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic: Results from three nationally-representative surveys.

COVID-19 has illuminated health inequity in the United States. The burdens of disease are much higher among Black and Indigenous people and other people of color. Disparities by income are also profound, as lower-wage workers were less able to adopt mitigating behaviors compared to higher-income counterparts. These disparities became part of public health discourse in 2020, with commentators frequently highlighting the connection between racism, socioeconomic position, and COVID-19. But what proportion of the public-and among key subgroups-recognized these social group disparities, relative to disparities associated with age and chronic illness, and did public recognition change over the first year of the pandemic? To address these questions, we analyzed data from three nationally-representative cross-sectional public opinion surveys, collected using the NORC AmeriSpeak panel in April 2020 (N = 1007), August 2020 (N = 2716), and April 2021 (N = 1020). The key outcomes were respondents' agreement with statements about disparities in COVID-19 mortality by age, chronic illness, income, and race. We found little change from 2020 to 2021 in Americans' recognition of disparities. At all three time points, most respondents acknowledged age and chronic illness disparities, while no more than half at any time point recognized income- and race-based disparities. Political party affiliation was not statistically associated with agreement with age or illness-related disparities, but was strongly associated with views about income- and race-based disparities. Efforts to promote recognition of racial and socioeconomic health disparities in the United States need to be mindful of the ways in which public understanding of health inequities is linked to partisanship.

Health Insurance Ad Messages Targeted to English- and Spanish-Speaking Populations in a Period of Limited Federal Investment in Marketplace Outreach.

Federal funding cuts to enrollment outreach and marketing of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) marketplace options in 2017 has raised questions about the adequacy of the information the public has received, especially among populations vulnerable to uninsurance. Using health insurance ads aired from January 1, 2018, through December 21, 2018, we conducted a content analysis focused on (a) the messaging differences by ad language (English vs. Spanish) and (b) the messaging appeals used by nonfederally sponsored health insurance ads in 2018. The results reveal that privately sponsored ads focused on benefit appeals (e.g., prescription drugs), while publicly sponsored ads emphasized financial assistance subsidies. Few ads, regardless of language, referenced the ACA explicitly and privately sponsored Spanish-language ads emphasized benefits (e.g., choice of doctor) over enrollment-relevant details. This study emphasizes that private-sponsored television marketing may not provide specific and actionable health insurance information to the public, especially for the Spanish-speaking populations.

Changes in Marketplace competition and television advertising by insurers.

OBJECTIVES: The Trump administration ended television advertising for the Health Insurance Marketplace prior to the 2018 open enrollment period, leaving insurers as the predominant source of health insurance advertising. Prior research findings are mixed on the effectiveness of private advertising on Marketplace enrollment, but no work to date has examined how competitive changes in health insurance markets are related to marketing patterns. This study provides the first evidence on how insurers are altering their marketing in response to changes in competition. STUDY DESIGN: This study links data capturing Marketplace participation (CMS Qualified Health Plan Landscape files) by county and health insurance advertising (Kantar Media/Campaign Media Analysis Group) by media market for the 2014 through 2018 open enrollment periods. METHODS: We used population-weighted county fixed effects models to estimate the relationship between year-over-year changes in Marketplace competition and changes in (1) total private advertising and (2) advertising per insurer. RESULTS: Going from multiple insurers to a single insurer resulted in 465 fewer private ads aired within a county during open enrollment (P < .01), a 17% to 38% reduction. Losing monopoly status is associated with a drop in advertising of 452 airings per insurer (P < .01), and becoming a monopolist is associated with 293 more airings per insurer (P < .01). CONCLUSIONS: Insurers are not replacing the decline in government-sponsored advertising. We find that insurers behave as if they are responding to strategic incentives, advertising more when they become a monopolist but not filling the hole left by their former competitor, which has implications for the volume of messages seen by consumers.

Targeting of Enrollment Assistance Resources in Health Insurance Television Advertising: A Comparison of Spanish- Vs. English-Language Ads.

Latinx adults, especially immigrants, face higher uninsurance and lower awareness of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA) provisions and resources compared to other racial/ethnic groups. Television advertising of ACA health plans has directed many consumers to application assistance and enrollment, but little is known about how ads targeted Latinx consumers. We used Kantar Media/CMAG data from the Wesleyan Media Project to assess Spanish- vs. English-language ad targeting strategies and to assess which enrollment assistance resources (in person/telephone vs. online) were emphasized across three Open Enrollment Periods (OEP) (2013-14, 2014-15, 2015-16). We examined differences in advertisement sponsorship and volume of Spanish- versus English-language ads across the three OEPs. State-based Marketplaces sponsored 47% of Spanish-language airings; insurance companies sponsored 55% of English-language airings. The proportion of Spanish-language airings increased over time (8.8% in OEP1, 11.1% in OEP2, 12.0% in OEP3, p <.001). Spanish-language airings had 49% lower (95%CI: 0.50,0.53) and 2.20 times higher odds (95%CI: 2.17,2.24) of mentioning online and telephone/in-person enrollment assistance resources, respectively. While there was a significant decrease in mention of telephone/in-person assistance over time for English-language airings, these mentions increased significantly in Spanish-language airings. Future research should examine the impact of the drastic federal cuts to ACA outreach and marketing.

Americans' perceptions of disparities in COVID-19 mortality: Results from a nationally-representative survey.

As with many other infectious and chronic conditions, the COVID-19 crisis in the United States (U.S.) reveals severe inequities in health. The objective of this study was to describe public perceptions of disparities in mortality from COVID-19 and examine correlates of those perceptions. We fielded a nationally-representative survey in late April 2020, asking participants how much they agreed with four statements describing group-level COVID-19 disparities: older people compared to younger, people with chronic health conditions compared to those without, poorer people compared to wealthier, and Black people compared to white people. We also measured personal characteristics, experience with COVID-19, and information sources. Overall agreement with age- and health condition-related disparities was high (>80%) while agreement with socioeconomic (SES) and racial disparities was lower (52%). Higher education and income were generally associated with greater agreement with disparities. Partisanship and information sources used were associated with perceptions of SES- and racial-disparities, with Democrats and those attune to national news-but not Fox cable news-more likely to perceive these disparities. As of April 2020, information about age- and health condition-related disparities in COVID-19 was well known by the U.S. public, while information about social disparities was less recognized and varied along socioeconomic and partisan lines.

Ten Years of Messaging about the Affordable Care Act in Advertising and News Media: Lessons for Policy and Politics.

Messaging about the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has seemingly produced a variety of outcomes: millions of Americans gained access to health insurance, yet much of the US public remains confused about major components of the law, and there remain stark and persistent political divides in support of the law. Our analysis of the volume and content of ACA-related media (including both ads and news) helps explain these phenomena, with three conclusions. First, the information environment around the ACA has been complex and competitive, with messaging originating from diverse sponsors with multiple objectives. Second, partisan cues in news and political ads are abundant, likely contributing to the crystallized politically polarized opinion about the law. Third, partisan discussions of the ACA in political ads have shifted in volume, direction, and tone over the decade, presenting divergent views regarding which party is accountable for the law's successes (or failures). We offer evidence for each of these conclusions from longitudinal analyses of the volume and content of ACA messaging, also referencing studies that have linked these messages to attitudes and behavior. We conclude with implications for health communication, political science, and the future outlook for health reform.

Issues Relevant to Population Health in Political Advertising in the United States, 2011-2012 and 2015-2016.

Policy Points Political advertising can influence which issues are public policy priorities. Population health-relevant issues were frequently referenced in televised political advertising in the 2011-2012 and 2015-2016 US election cycles, with about one-fourth of all ads aired mentioning traditional public health and health policy topics and more than half referencing broader determinants of population health. The volume of population health-relevant issues referenced in political ads varied by geography, political office, political party, and election cycle. Ads referencing broader determinants of population health (such as employment, education, or gender equality) rarely tied these determinants directly to health outcomes. CONTEXT: Political discourse is one way that policymakers and candidates for public office discuss societal problems, propose solutions, and articulate actionable policies that might improve population health. Yet we know little about how politicians define and discuss issues relevant to population health in their major source of electoral communication, campaign advertisements. This study examined the prevalence of references to population health-relevant issues conveyed in campaign advertising for political office at all levels of government in the United States in 2011-2012 and 2015-2016. Understanding advertising as part of the political discourse on topics of relevance to population health yields insights about political agenda-setting and can inform efforts to shape opinion. METHODS: We conducted a content analysis of all English-language, candidate-related campaign advertisements aired on local broadcast, national network, and national cable television in the 2011-2012 and 2015-2016 election cycles (3,980,457 and 3,767,477 airings, respectively). We analyzed the volume of coverage in these ads about issues relevant to population health, including narrowly defined public health issues as well as a broad range of other social, economic, and environmental factors that affect population health. FINDINGS: Across both election cycles and all electoral races, 26% of campaign advertising discussed issues relevant for the narrowly defined conceptualization of public health and 57% discussed issues pertinent to topics within the more expansive population health conceptualization. There was substantial variation in population health-related content in ads across election cycles, by level of political office, political party, and geographic area. Geographic variation indicates that where a person lives affects their potential exposure to political communication about various health-related topics. CONCLUSIONS: Political campaign ads in the United States frequently referenced population health-relevant content at all levels of government, although the ads rarely connected population health-relevant issues to health. Variation in volume and content of these references likely shaped public opinion and the public will to address population health-related policy.

Perceptions of politicization and HPV vaccine policy support.

BACKGROUND: Since its FDA approval in 2006, the Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine has been politically-charged, given its association with sexual health among young women and its history of controversial, and largely unsuccessful, legislative mandates. The extent to which perceived politicization is related to public support for the vaccine's use, however, is not clear. We sought to examine the relationship between public perceptions of politicization of the HPV vaccine and public support for HPV vaccine policies. METHODS: We fielded a survey from May-June 2016 using a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults (18-59 years). Among respondents aware of the HPV vaccine (n = 290), we predict support for HPV vaccine policies based on respondents' perceptions of three characteristics of the vaccine's portrayal in public discourse: degree of controversy, certainty of the scientific evidence supporting the vaccine's use, and frequency with which the vaccine appears in political discussion. RESULTS: Respondents who perceived greater certainty about the scientific evidence for the HPV vaccine were more supportive of HPV vaccine policies (p < 0.0001) than respondents who perceived the scientific evidence to be uncertain, after adjusting for respondents' characteristics, including demographics and partisanship. CONCLUSIONS: Public perceptions of the HPV vaccine's politicization, particularly the portrayal of scientific evidence, are associated with receptivity to legislative mandates. POLICY IMPLICATIONS: How the certainty of a body of evidence gets communicated to the public may influence the policy process for a critical cancer prevention intervention.

Television News Coverage of Public Health Issues and Implications for Public Health Policy and Practice.

Television (TV) news, and especially local TV news, remains an important vehicle through which Americans obtain information about health-related topics. In this review, we synthesize theory and evidence on four main functions of TV news in shaping public health policy and practice: reporting events and information to the public (surveillance); providing the context for and meaning surrounding health issues (interpretation); cultivating community values, beliefs, and norms (socialization); and attracting and maintaining public attention for advertisers (attention merchant). We also identify challenges for TV news as a vehicle for improving public health, including declining audiences, industry changes such as station consolidation, increasingly politicized content, potential spread of misinformation, and lack of attention to inequity. We offer recommendations for public health practitioners and researchers to leverage TV news to improve public health and advance health equity.

Television Advertising and Health Insurance Marketplace Consumer Engagement in Kentucky: A Natural Experiment.

BACKGROUND: Reductions in health insurance enrollment outreach could have negative effects on the individual health insurance market. Specifically, consumers may not be informed about the availability of coverage, and if some healthier consumers fail to enroll, there could be a worse risk pool for insurers. Kentucky created its own Marketplace, known as kynect, and adopted Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act, which yielded the largest decline in adult uninsured rate in the United States from 2013 to 2016. The state sponsored an award-winning media campaign, yet after the election of a new governor in 2015, it declined to renew the television advertising contract for kynect and canceled all pending television ads with over a month remaining in the 2016 open enrollment period. OBJECTIVE: The objective of this study is to examine the stark variation in television advertising across multiple open enrollment periods in Kentucky and use this variation to estimate the dose-response effect of state-sponsored television advertising on consumer engagement with the Marketplace. In addition, we assess to what extent private insurers can potentially help fill the void when governments reduce or eliminate television advertising. METHODS: We obtained television advertising (Kantar Media/Campaign Media Analysis Group) and Marketplace data (Kentucky Health Benefit Exchange) for the period of October 1, 2013, through January 31, 2016, for Kentucky. Advertising data at the spot level were collapsed to state-week counts by sponsor type. Similarly, a state-week series of Marketplace engagement and enrollment measures were derived from state reports to Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. We used linear regression models to estimate associations between health insurance television advertising volume and measures of information-seeking (calls to call center; page views, visits, and unique visitors to the website) and enrollment (Web-based and total applications, Marketplace enrollment). RESULTS: We found significant dose-response effects of weekly state-sponsored television advertising volume during open enrollment on information-seeking behavior (marginal effects of an additional ad airing per week for website page views: 7973, visits: 390, and unique visitors: 388) and enrollment activity (applications, Web-based: 61 and total: 56). CONCLUSIONS: State-sponsored television advertising was associated with nearly 40% of unique visitors and Web-based applications. Insurance company television advertising was not a significant driver of engagement, an important consideration if cuts to government-sponsored advertising persist.

TV Advertising Volumes Were Associated With Insurance Marketplace Shopping And Enrollment In 2014.

The effectiveness of health insurance advertising has gained renewed attention following the Trump administration's decision to reduce the marketing budget for the federal Marketplace. Yet there is limited evidence on the relationship between advertising and enrollment behavior. This study combined survey data from the 2014 National Health Interview Survey on adults ages 18-64 with data on volumes of televised advertisements aired in respondents' counties of residence during the 2013-14 open enrollment period. We found that people living in counties with higher numbers of ads sponsored by the federal government were significantly more likely to shop for and enroll in a Marketplace plan. In contrast, people living in counties with higher numbers of ads from political sponsors opposing the Affordable Care Act (ACA) were less likely to shop or enroll. These findings add to the evidence base around advertising in the ACA context.

Assessing the Content of Television Health Insurance Advertising during Three Open Enrollment Periods of the ACA.

Television advertising has been a primary method for marketing new health plans available under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) to consumers. Data from Kantar Media's Campaign Media Analysis Group were used to analyze advertising content during three ACA open enrollment periods (fall 2013 to spring 2016). Few advertisement airings featured people who were elderly, disabled, or receiving care in a medical setting, and over time airings increasingly featured children, young adults, and people exercising. The most common informational messages focused on plan choice and availability of low-cost plans, but messages shifted over open enrollment cycles to emphasize avoidance of tax penalties and availability of financial assistance. Over the three open enrollment periods, there was a sharp decline in explicit mentions of the ACA or Obamacare in advertisements. Overall, television advertisements have increasingly targeted young, healthy consumers, and informational appeals have shifted toward a focus on financial factors in persuading individuals to enroll in marketplace plans. These advertising approaches make sense in the context of pressures to market plans to appeal to a sufficiently large, diverse group. Importantly, dramatic declines over time in explicit mention of the law mean that citizens may fail to understand the connection between the actions of government and the benefits they are receiving.

The Volume Of TV Advertisements During The ACA's First Enrollment Period Was Associated With Increased Insurance Coverage.

The launch of the Affordable Care Act was accompanied by major insurance information campaigns by government, nonprofit, political, news media, and private-sector organizations, but it is not clear to what extent these efforts were associated with insurance gains. Using county-level data from the Census Bureau's American Community Survey and broadcast television airings data from the Wesleyan Media Project, we examined the relationship between insurance advertisements and county-level health insurance changes between 2013 and 2014, adjusting for other media and county- and state-level characteristics. We found that counties exposed to higher volumes of local insurance advertisements during the first open enrollment period experienced larger reductions in their uninsurance rates than other counties. State-sponsored advertisements had the strongest relationship with declines in uninsurance, and this relationship was driven by increases in Medicaid enrollment. These results support the importance of strategic investment in advertising to increase uptake of health insurance but suggest that not all types of advertisements will have the same effect on the public.

Local Television News Coverage of the Affordable Care Act: Emphasizing Politics Over Consumer Information.

OBJECTIVES: To examine the public health and policy-relevant messages conveyed through local television news during the first stage of Affordable Care Act (ACA) implementation, when about 10 million Americans gained insurance. METHODS: We conducted a content analysis of 1569 ACA-related local evening television news stories, obtained from sampling local news aired between October 1, 2013, and April 19, 2014. Coders systematically collected data using a coding instrument tracking major messages and information sources cited in the news. RESULTS: Overall, only half of all ACA-related news coverage focused on health insurance products, whereas the remainder discussed political disagreements over the law. Major policy tools of the ACA-the Medicaid expansion and subsidies available-were cited in less than 10% of news stories. Number of enrollees (27%) and Web site glitches (33%) were more common features of coverage. Sources with a political affiliation were by far the most common source of information (> 40%), whereas research was cited in less than 4% of stories. CONCLUSIONS: The most common source of news for Americans provided little public health-relevant substance about the ACA during its early implementation, favoring political strategy in coverage.

Media Messages and Perceptions of the Affordable Care Act during the Early Phase of Implementation.

Public opinion about the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been polarized since the law's passage. Past research suggests these conditions would make any media influence on the public limited at best. However, during the early phase of implementation, locally broadcast ACA-related media messages-in the form of paid health insurance and political advertisements and news media stories-abounded as advocates, insurance marketers, and politicians sought to shape the public's perceptions of the law. To what extent did message exposure affect ACA perceptions during the first open enrollment period? We merge data on volumes of messaging at the media market level with nationally representative survey data to examine the relationship between estimated exposure to media messaging and the public's perceptions of how informed they were about and favorable toward the ACA in October 2013. We find that higher volumes of insurance advertising and local news coverage are associated with participants' perceptions of being informed about the law. Volumes of insurance advertising and of local news coverage are also associated with participants' favorability toward the law, but the relationship varies with partisanship, supporting the growing body of research describing partisan perceptual bias.