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OBJECTIVES: There is limited evidence regarding the impact of race/racism and its intersection with socioeconomic status (SES) on breast and cervical cancer, the two most common female cancers globally. We investigated racial inequalities in breast and cervical cancer mortality and whether SES (education and household conditions) interacted with race/ethnicity. DESIGN: The 100 Million Brazilian Cohort data were linked to the Brazilian Mortality Database, 2004-2015 (n = 20,665,005 adult women). We analysed the association between self-reported race/ethnicity (White/'Parda'(Brown)/Black/Asian/Indigenous) and cancer mortality using Poisson regression, adjusting for age, calendar year, education, household conditions and area of residence. Additive and multiplicative interactions were assessed. RESULTS: Cervical cancer mortality rates were higher among Indigenous (adjusted Mortality rate ratio = 1.80, 95%CI 1.39-2.33), Asian (1.63, 1.20-2.22), 'Parda'(Brown) (1.27, 1.21-1.33) and Black (1.18, 1.09-1.28) women vs White women. Breast cancer mortality rates were higher among Black (1.10, 1.04-1.17) vs White women. Racial inequalities in cervical cancer mortality were larger among women of poor household conditions, and low education (P for multiplicative interaction <0.001, and 0.02, respectively). Compared to White women living in completely adequate (3-4) household conditions, the risk of cervical cancer mortality in Black women with 3-4, 1-2, and none adequate conditions was 1.10 (1.01-1.21), 1.48 (1.28-1.71), and 2.03 (1.56-2.63), respectively (Relative excess risk due to interaction-RERI = 0.78, 0.18-1.38). Among 'Parda'(Brown) women the risk was 1.18 (1.11-1.25), 1.68 (1.56-1.81), and 1.84 (1.63-2.08), respectively (RERI = 0.52, 0.16-0.87). Compared to high-educated White women, the risk in high-, middle- and low-educated Black women was 1.14 (0.83-1.55), 1.93 (1.57-2.38) and 2.75 (2.33-3.25), respectively (RERI = 0.36, -0.05-0.77). Among 'Parda'(Brown) women the risk was 1.09 (0.91-1.31), 1.99 (1.70-2.33) and 3.03 (2.61-3.52), respectively (RERI = 0.68, 0.48-0.88). No interactions were found for breast cancer. CONCLUSION: Low SES magnified racial inequalities in cervical cancer mortality. The intersection between race/ethnicity, SES and gender needs to be addressed to reduce racial health inequalities.
Assuntos
Neoplasias da Mama , Desigualdades de Saúde , Neoplasias do Colo do Útero , Adulto , Feminino , Humanos , Brasil/epidemiologia , Neoplasias da Mama/mortalidade , Etnicidade , Classe Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Neoplasias do Colo do Útero/mortalidade , Grupos RaciaisRESUMO
Background: To understand if migrants living in poverty in low and middle-income countries (LMICs) have mortality advantages over the non-migrant population, we investigated mortality risk patterns among internal and international migrants in Brazil over their life course. Methods: We linked socio-economic and mortality data from 1st January 2011 to 31st December 2018 in the 100 Million Brazilian Cohort and calculated all-cause and cause-specific age-standardised mortality rates according to individuals' migration status for men and women. Using Cox regression models, we estimated the age- and sex-adjusted mortality hazard ratios (HR) for internal migrants (i.e., Brazilian-born individuals living in a different Brazilian state than their birth) compared to Brazilian-born non-migrants; and for international migrants (i.e., people born in another country) compared to Brazilian-born individuals. Findings: The study followed up 45,051,476 individuals, of whom 6,057,814 were internal migrants, and 277,230 were international migrants. Internal migrants had similar all-cause mortality compared to Brazilian non-migrants (aHR = 0.99, 95% CI = 0.98-0.99), marginally higher mortality for ischaemic heart diseases (aHR = 1.04, 95% CI = 1.03-1.05) and higher for stroke (aHR = 1.11, 95% CI = 1.09-1.13). Compared to Brazilian-born individuals, international migrants had 18% lower all-cause mortality (aHR = 0.82, 95% CI = 0.80-0.84), with up to 50% lower mortality from interpersonal violence among men (aHR = 0.50, 95% CI = 0.40-0.64), but higher mortality from avoidable causes related to maternal health (aHR = 2.17, 95% CI = 1.17-4.05). Interpretation: Although internal migrants had similar all-cause mortality, international migrants had lower all-cause mortality compared to non-migrants. Further investigations using intersectional approaches are warranted to understand the marked variations by migration status, age, and sex for specific causes of death, such as elevated maternal mortality and male lower interpersonal violence-related mortality among international migrants. Funding: The Wellcome Trust.
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Abstract This article aims to analyze residential segregation by race (racial segregation) and income (economic segregation) in Brazil and explore its relationship with socioeconomic and socio-spatial factors. Residential segregation was assessed using the dissimilarity index based on the 2010 demographic census and considering urban census tracts since segregation is sociologically considered an urban problem. The results for racial segregation showed that it is more evident in cities in the South and Southeast of Brazil and mainly affects the self-declared black population. The approach used to calculate economic segregation involved examining the income level of different low-income groups. Therefore, we consider families that earned between 0 and 1 minimum wage as the group with the greatest social vulnerability. We did not find significant correlations between racial and income segregation indices with aspects such as urbanization (urban population size). Finally, we present the racial segregation indices stratifying families by income thresholds for the 27 Brazilian capitals and conclude that per capita household income is a preponderant factor for the segregation of the poorest, especially in families whose residents self-identify as black.
Resumo Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a segregação residencial por raça (segregação racial) e renda (segregação econômica) no Brasil e explorar sua relação com fatores socioeconômicos e socioespaciais. A segregação residencial foi avaliada pelo índice de dissimilaridade baseado no Censo Demográfico de 2010 e considerando setores censitários urbanos, uma vez que a segregação é entendida sociologicamente como um problema urbano. Os resultados mostram que a segregação racial é mais evidente nas cidades do Sul e Sudeste do Brasil, atingindo principalmente a população autodeclarada preta. A abordagem utilizada para calcular a segregação econômica envolveu examinar o nível de renda de diferentes grupos de baixa renda. Portanto, consideramos as famílias que ganham entre 0 e 1 salário mínimo - o grupo de maior vulnerabilidade social. Não encontramos correlações significativas entre os índices de segregação racial e de renda com fatores como a urbanização (tamanho da população urbana). Por fim, apresentamos os índices de segregação racial estratificando as famílias por faixas de renda para as 27 capitais brasileiras e concluímos que a renda domiciliar per capita é fator preponderante para a segregação dos mais pobres, principalmente nas famílias cujos moradores se autodeclaram pretos.
Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la segregación residencial por raza (segregación racial) y renta (segregación económica) en Brasil y explorar su relación con factores socioeconómicos y socioespaciales. La segregación residencial se evaluó utilizando el índice de disimilitud con base en el censo demográfico de 2010 y considerando las secciones censales urbanas ya que la segregación es considerada sociológicamente como un problema urbano. Los resultados para la segregación racial mostraron que esta es más evidente en ciudades del sur y del sudeste de Brasil y que afecta principalmente a la población autodeclarada negra. El enfoque usado para calcular la segregación económica implicó examinar el nivel de ingresos de diferentes grupos de bajos ingresos. Por lo tanto, consideramos que las familias que ganaban entre cero y un salario mínimo son el grupo con mayor vulnerabilidad social. No encontramos correlaciones significativas entre los índices de segregación racial y los de ingresos con factores como la urbanización (tamaño de la población urbana). Finalmente, presentamos los índices de segregación racial estratificando a las familias por umbrales de renta para las 27 capitales brasileñas y concluimos que la renta per cápita de los hogares es un factor preponderante para la segregación de los más pobres, en especial en las familias cuyos habitantes se autodeclaran negros.