The effects of scale on the costs of targeted HIV prevention interventions among female and male sex workers, men who have sex with men and transgenders in India.

BACKGROUND: The India AIDS Initiative (Avahan) project is involved in rapid scale-up of HIV-prevention interventions in high-risk populations. This study examines the cost variation of 107 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) implementing targeted interventions, over the start up (defined as period from project inception until services to the key population commenced) and first 2 years of intervention. METHODS: The Avahan interventions for female and male sex workers and their clients, in 62 districts of four southern states were costed for the financial years 2004/2005 and 2005/2006 using standard costing techniques. Data sources include financial and economic costs from the lead implementing partners (LPs) and subcontracted local implementing NGOs retrospectively and prospectively collected from a provider perspective. Ingredients and step-down allocation processes were used. Outcomes were measured using routinely collected project data. The average costs were estimated and a regression analysis carried out to explore causes of cost variation. Costs were calculated in US$ 2006. RESULTS: The total number of registered people was 134,391 at the end of 2 years, and 124,669 had used STI services during that period. The median average cost of Avahan programme for this period was $76 per person registered with the project. Sixty-one per cent of the cost variation could be explained by scale (positive association), number of NGOs per district (negative), number of LPs in the state (negative) and project maturity (positive) (p<0.0001). CONCLUSIONS: During rapid scale-up in the initial phase of the Avahan programme, a significant reduction in average costs was observed. As full scale-up had not yet been achieved, the average cost at scale is yet to be realised and the extent of the impact of scale on costs yet to be captured. Scale effects are important to quantify for planning resource requirements of large-scale interventions. The average cost after 2 years is within the range of global scale-up costs estimates and other studies in India.

STI management in Tanzanian private drugstores: practices and roles of drug sellers.

OBJECTIVES: To describe the role and possible contribution of private drugstores in sexually transmitted infection (STI) management in rural Tanzania. METHODS: A cross-sectional study that included drug sellers in private drugstores in eight districts of Tanzania. Data collected through interviews with drug sellers and the simulated client method presenting a male and female STI case. "QATI" scores (Questions, Advice, Treatment and drug Information) were developed to describe overall STI management. RESULTS: Although 74% of drug sellers stated that there were no STI-related drugs in the store, medications were dispensed in 78% of male and 63% of female simulated client visits. The clients were dispensed drugs recommended in the Tanzanian guidelines for syndromic management of urethral or vaginal discharge in 80% of male and 90% of female cases. Drug sellers dispensed antibiotics during 76% of male and 35% of female simulated client visits. Dosage regimens were often incorrect and complete syndromic management rarely provided. Most drug sellers agreed that it is within their professional role to give information on STI treatment (89%) and prevention (95%). Drug-use information was almost always provided. Advice was however seldom given and questions occasionally asked. Overall STI management was better for men than for women. CONCLUSIONS: The drug sellers, although aware of the prescription-only status of antibiotics, saw themselves as having a role in STI management and were ready to provide drugs. In this resource-limited setting, drug sellers could provide effective and safe STI management especially to male patients if given appropriate tools to improve practice. The consequences of this for official policy need to be discussed.

Evaluating large-scale HIV prevention interventions: study design for an integrated mathematical modelling approach.

BACKGROUND: There is an urgent need to evaluate HIV prevention interventions, thereby improving our understanding of what works, under what circumstances and what is cost effective. OBJECTIVES: To describe an integrated mathematical evaluation framework designed to assess the population-level impact of large-scale HIV interventions and applied in the context of Avahan, the Indian AIDS Initiative, in southern India. The Avahan Initiative is a large-scale HIV prevention intervention, funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, which targets high-risk groups in selected districts of the six states most affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic (Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Nagaland and Manipur) and along the national highways. METHODS: One important component of the monitoring and evaluation of Avahan relies on an integrated mathematical framework that combines empirical biological and behavioural data from different subpopulations in the intervention areas, with the use of tailor-made transmission dynamics models embedded within a Bayesian framework. RESULTS: An overview of the Avahan Initiative and the objectives of the monitoring and evaluation of the intervention is given. The rationale for choosing this evaluation design compared with other possible designs is presented, and the different components of the evaluation framework are described and its advantages and challenges are discussed, with illustrated examples. CONCLUSIONS: This is the first time such an approach has been applied on such a large scale. Lessons learnt from the CHARME project could help in the design of future evaluations of large-scale interventions in other settings, whereas the results of the evaluation will be of programmatic and public health relevance.

Is antenatal syphilis screening still cost effective in sub-Saharan Africa.

OBJECTIVES: To estimate the cost effectiveness of on-site antenatal syphilis screening and treatment in Mwanza, Tanzania. To compare this intervention with other antenatal and child health interventions, specifically the prevention of mother to child transmission of HIV (PMTCT). METHODS: The economic costs of adding the intervention to routine antenatal care were assessed. Cost effectiveness (CE) ratios of the intervention were obtained for low birth weight (LBW) live births and stillbirths averted and cost per DALY saved. Cost per DALY saved was also estimated for previous CE studies of syphilis screening. The CE of the intervention at different syphilis prevalence rates was modelled. RESULTS: The economic cost of the intervention is $1.44 per woman screened, $20 per woman treated, and $187 per adverse birth outcome averted. The cost per DALY saved is $110 with LBW as the only adverse outcome. When including stillbirth, this estimate improves 10-fold to $10.56 per DALY saved. The cost per DALY saved from all syphilis screening studies ranged from $3.97 to $18.73. CONCLUSIONS: Syphilis screening is shown to be at least as cost effective as PMTCT and more cost effective than many widely implemented interventions. There is urgent need for scaling up syphilis screening and treatment in high prevalence areas. The CE of screening interventions is highly dependent on disease prevalence. In combination, PMTCT and syphilis screening and treatment interventions may achieve economies of scope and thus improved efficiency.

Ends versus means: the role of markets in expanding access to contraceptives.

Achieving and sustaining universal access to contraceptives are key policy goals of interventions supplying contraceptive commodities. Donor support for contraceptive supplies is substantial and many public and national programmes rely on donated and subsidized supplies of contraceptives. Sustainability of programme benefits is a concern to both national governments and donor agencies. At the same time, market-based provision of contraceptives has become a major source of contraceptives for individuals in a number of countries. While the goals or 'ends' of policy are to increase and sustain universal access to contraceptives, there is debate about the role of markets and their negative impacts on equity and universality. There is also concern that while public programmes supplying free contraceptives may, in the medium-term, achieve high coverage, they may hamper the achievement of long-term sustainability and the development of commercial markets. This paper focuses on the tension between the public health and market paradigms, and uses economic analysis as a framework in order to examine the relative roles or 'means' for subsidized public and commercial private sector supply of contraceptives. The review of the theory and evidence focuses on the trade-offs between public sector and market provision of contraceptives, examining the role for the public sector given the potential for market failures, the impact of public provision on the development of markets, and the role of price in demand. However, because of the potential conflict between these policy objectives, we argue that strategies to deliver contraceptives should be based on the specific characteristics of the context. In particular four variables (contraceptive prevalence rates, HIV prevalence, income level of country, size and geographic spread of private sector development) are important in characterizing this context, and these are highlighted in a matrix of programme priorities. Public choices need to take into account the ways in which they will affect the potential for development of sustainable private sources of supply. Undertaking a 'market assessment' should be a key stage in the analysis of policy options. Such an assessment should address demand factors, health priorities, actual and potential sources of supply and the relationships between public and private supply. Clearly the development of markets for contraceptives is not an end in itself, but may prove an important means of improving the health of women and men.

How do countries regulate the health sector? Evidence from Tanzania and Zimbabwe.

The health sectors in many low- and middle-income countries have been characterized in recent years by extensive private sector activity. This has been complemented by increasing public-private linkages, such as the contracting-out of selected services or facilities, development of new purchasing arrangements, franchising and the introduction of vouchers. Increasingly, however, experience with the private sector has indicated a number of problems with the quality, price and distribution of private health services, and thus led to a growing focus on the role of government in regulation. This paper presents the existing network of regulations governing private activity in the health sectors of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, and their appropriateness in the context of emerging market realities. It draws on a comparative mapping exercise reviewing the complexity of the variables currently being regulated, the level of the health system at which they apply, and the specific instruments being used. Findings indicate that much of the existing regulation occurs through legislation. There is still very much a focus on the 'social' rather than 'economic' aspects of regulation within the health sector. Recent changes have attempted to address aspects of private health provision, but some very key gaps remain. In particular, current regulations in Tanzania and Zimbabwe: (1) focus on individual inputs rather than health system organizations; (2) aim to control entry and quality rather than explicitly quantity, price or distribution; and (3) fail to address the market-level problems of anti-competitive practices and lack of patient rights. This highlights the need for additional measures to promote consumer protection and address the development of new private markets such as for health insurance or laboratory and other ancillary services.

Do they work? Regulating for-profit providers in Zimbabwe.

The experience of low- and middle-income countries (LMC) with respect to regulation and legislation in the health sector is in marked contrast to that of Canada and Europe. It is suggested that the degree to which regulatory mechanisms can influence private sector activity in LMC is quite low. However, there has been little work done on exploring just how, and to what extent, these regulations fail. Through the use of stakeholder interviews, this study explored the effectiveness of regulations directed at the private-for-profit sector (general practitioners, private clinics and hospitals) in Zimbabwe. The study found that there was limited and asymmetric knowledge of basic regulations among government bodies and private providers. However, there was a clear feeling that regulations are not being implemented and enforced effectively. A variety of opportunistic practices have been observed among private providers, including: practices of self-referral, where patients are sent to other services the provider has a financial interest in; over-servicing; doctor-patient collusion to collect health insurance payments; and the use of unlicensed staff in private facilities. Key factors limiting effectiveness of regulation in the health sector include the over-centralization and lack of independence of the regulatory body, the absence of legal mechanisms to control the price of care, and the lack of knowledge by patients of their rights. The study also identified a number of potential strategies for improving the current regulatory environment. For example, in order to improve monitoring, 'informal' arrangements between the centralized regulatory body and local authorities developed. There is a need to develop ways to formalize the role of these authorities. In addition, professional associations of private providers are also identified as key players through which to improve the impact of regulation among private providers. Increasing consumer access to information and knowledge is another potential way to improve information within the regulatory process as well as implementation.

The real and the nominal? Making inflationary adjustments to cost and other economic data.

Given the scarcity of cost data for health interventions, there has been substantial use of a relatively small number of existing studies to underpin policy development formulation. Intervention-specific cost and cost-effectiveness data have been used to plan overall budgets, to assess the relative efficiency of different interventions and to consider the resource requirements for programme implementation at both the local and national levels. Cost and cost-effectiveness comparisons have been made between these studies and general sources such as the World Bank's World Development Report 1993. At the same time, information on key health sector variables, such as annual health expenditures, has been systematically compiled for more than two decades. The question of possible inflationary effects is becoming increasingly important as the original data on which these numbers are based ages. For example, cost figures from the mid-1980s require a 60% inflationary adjustment simply to maintain their real value in current dollars. This paper looks at methods to adjust cost data to account for inflation and discusses the difference between real or constant and nominal or current values. These methods are also used to make inflationary adjustments to other types of economic data such as income.