Estimation of Multiyear Consequences for Abortion Access in Georgia Under a Law Limiting Abortion to Early Pregnancy.

Importance: Following the US Supreme Court ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy, House Bill 481 (HB481), was allowed to go into effect in July 2022. Objectives: To estimate anticipated multiyear effects of HB481, which prohibits abortions after detection of embryonic cardiac activity, on abortion incidence in Georgia, and to examine inequities by race, age, and socioeconomic status. Design, Setting, and Participants: This repeated cross-sectional analysis used abortion surveillance data from January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, to estimate future effects of HB481 on abortion care in Georgia, with a focus on the 2 most recent years of data (2016 and 2017). Abortion surveillance data were obtained from the 2007-2017 Georgia Department of Public Health's Induced Termination of Pregnancy files. Linear regression was used to estimate trends in abortions provided at less than 6 weeks' gestation and at 6 weeks' gestation or later in Georgia, and χ2 analyses were used to compare group differences by race, age, and educational attainment. Data were analyzed from July 26 to September 22, 2022. Exposures: HB481, Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy. Main Outcome and Measures: Weeks' gestation at abortion (<6 vs ≥6 weeks). Results: From January 1, 2007, to December 31, 2017, there were 360 972 reported abortions in Georgia, with an annual mean (SD) of 32 816 (1812) abortions. Estimates from 2016 to 2017 suggest that 3854 abortions in Georgia (11.6%) would likely meet eligibility requirements for abortion care under HB481. Fewer abortions obtained by Black patients (1943 [9.6%] vs 1280 [16.2%] for White patients), patients younger than 20 years (261 [9.1%] vs 168 [15.0%] for those 40 years and older), and patients with fewer years of education (392 [9.2%] with less than a high school diploma and 1065 [9.6%] with a high school diploma vs 2395 [13.5%] for those with some college) would likely meet eligibility requirements under HB481. Conclusions and Relevance: These findings suggest that Georgia's law limiting abortion to early pregnancy (HB481) would eliminate access to abortion for nearly 90% of patients in Georgia, and disproportionately harm patients who are Black, younger, and in lower socioeconomic status groups.

Racial disparities in pregnancy options counseling and referral in the US South.

OBJECTIVE: The objective of this study is to examine racial variation in receipt of counseling and referral for pregnancy options (abortion, adoption, and parenting) following pregnancy confirmation. Equitable offering of such information is a professional and ethical obligation and an opportunity to prevent racial disparities in maternal and child health. DATA SOURCE: Primary data from patients at southern United States publicly funded family planning clinics, October 2018-June 2019. STUDY DESIGN: Patients at 14 clinics completed a survey about their experiences with pregnancy options counseling and referral following a positive pregnancy test. The primary predictor variable was patients' self-reported racial identity. Outcomes included discussion of pregnancy options, referral for those options, and for support services. DATA COLLECTION: Data from eligible patients with non-missing information for key variables (n = 313) were analyzed using descriptive statistics, χ2 tests, and multivariable logistic regression. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Patients were largely Black (58%), uninsured (64%), and 18-29 years of age (80%). Intention to continue pregnancy and receipt of prenatal care referral did not differ significantly among Black as compared to non-Black patients. However, Black patients had a higher likelihood of wanting an abortion or adoption referral and not receiving one (abortion: marginal effect [ME] = 7.68%, p = 0.037; adjusted ME [aME] = 9.02%, p = 0.015; adoption: ME = 7.06%, p = 0.031; aME = 8.42%, p = 0.011). Black patients intending to end their pregnancies had a lower probability of receiving an abortion referral than non-Black patients (ME = -22.37%, p = 0.004; aME = -19.69%, p = 0.023). In the fully adjusted model, Black patients also had a higher probability of wanting access to care resources (including transportation, childcare, and financial support) and not receiving them (aME = 5.38%, p = 0.019). CONCLUSIONS: Clinical interactions surrounding pregnancy confirmation provide critical opportunities to discuss options, coordinate care, and mitigate risk, yet are susceptible to systemic bias. These findings add to limited evidence around pregnancy counseling and referral disparities. Ongoing assessment of pregnancy counseling and referral disparities can provide insight into organizational strengths or the potential to increase structural equity.

"I don't regret it at all. It's just I wish the process had a bit more humanity to it a bit more holistic": a qualitative, community-led medication abortion study with Black and Latinx Women in Georgia, USA.

Traditional family planning research has excluded Black and Latinx leaders, and little is known about medication abortion (MA) among racial/ethnic minorities, although it is an increasingly vital reproductive health service, particularly after the fall of Roe v. Wade. Reproductive justice (RJ) community-based organisation (CBO) SisterLove led a study on Black and Latinx women's MA perceptions and experiences in Georgia. From April 2019 to December 2020, we conducted key informant interviews with 20 abortion providers and CBO leaders and 32 in-depth interviews and 6 focus groups (n = 30) with Black and Latinx women. We analysed data thematically using a team-based, iterative approach of coding, memo-ing, and discussion. Participants described multilevel barriers to and strategies for MA access, wishing that "the process had a bit more humanity … [it] should be more holistic." Barriers included (1) sociocultural factors (intersectional oppression, intersectional stigma, and medical experimentation); (2) national and state policies; (3) clinic- and provider-related factors (lack of diverse clinic staff, long waiting times); and (4) individual-level factors (lack of knowledge and social support). Suggested solutions included (1) social media campaigns and story-sharing; (2) RJ-based policy advocacy; (3) diversifying clinic staff, offering flexible scheduling and fees, community integration of abortion, and RJ abortion funds; and (4) social support (including abortion doulas) and comprehensive sex education. Findings suggest that equitable MA access for Black and Latinx communities in the post-Roe era will require multi-level intervention, informed by community-led evidence production; holistic, de-medicalised, and human rights-based care models; and intersectional RJ policy advocacy.

"Post-Roe" Abortion Policy Context Heightens the Imperative for Multilevel, Comprehensive, Integrated Health Education.

The exceptionalism of abortion in public health education, due to social stigma, politicization, and lack of training, contributes to misinformation, policies unjustified by rigorous science, lack of access to person-centered health care, and systemic pregnancy-related inequities. Now that abortion access has vanished for large portions of the United States, following the Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization (JWHO), health educators must work to eliminate abortion-related silos, destigmatize abortion education, and bring comprehensive sexual and reproductive health information and evidence to the many audiences that will require it. We discuss consequences of abortion exceptionalism in health education for the public, health care providers, pregnant people, and health professionals in training-and opportunities to better and more accessibly provide sexual and reproductive health education to these audiences.

Dispersion of contraceptive access policies across the United States from 2006 to 2021.

Person-centered contraceptive access benefits reproductive autonomy, sexual wellbeing, menstrual regulation, and other preventive health. However, contraceptive access varies by social and geographic position, with policies either perpetuating or alleviating health inequities. We describe geographic and time-trend variation in an index from fewer (less expansive) to greater (more expansive) aggregation of U.S. state-level contraceptive access policies across 50 states and Washington, D.C. (collectively, states) from 2006 to 2021. We collected data from primary and secondary sources on 23 policies regulating contraceptive education, insurance coverage, minor's rights, provider authority, and more. As of 2021, the most enacted policies expanded contraceptive access through: 1) prescribing authority for nurse practitioners, certified nurse-midwives (n = 50, 98 % of states), and clinical nurse specialists (n = 38, 75 %); 2) Medicaid expansion (n = 38, 75 %); 3) prescription method insurance coverage (n = 30, 59 %); and 4) dispensing authority for nurse practitioners and certified nurse-midwives (n = 29, 57 %). The average overall U.S. policy index value increased in expansiveness from 6.9 in 2006 to 8.6 in 2021. States in the West and Northeast regions had the most expansive contraceptive access landscapes (average index values of 9.0 and 8.2, respectively) and grew more expansive over time (increased by 4-5 policies). The Midwest and South had least expansive landscapes (average index values of 5.0 and 6.1, respectively). Regions with more expansive sexual and reproductive health policy environments further expanded access, whereas least expansive environments were maintained. More nuanced understanding of how contraceptive policy diffusion affects health outcomes and equity is needed to inform public health advocacy and law making.

Sociodemographic and Service Use Characteristics of Abortion Fund Cases from Six States in the U.S. Southeast.

Abortion funds are key actors in mitigating barriers to abortion access, particularly in contexts where state-level abortion access restrictions are concentrated. Using 2017-2019 case management data from a regional abortion fund in the southeastern U.S., we described the sociodemographic and service use characteristics of cases overall (n = 9585) and stratified by state of residence (Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Tennessee). Overall, cases represented people seeking abortion fund assistance who predominately identified as non-Hispanic Black (81%), 18-34 years of age (84%), publicly or uninsured (87%), having completed a high school degree or some college (70%), having one or more children (77%), and as Christian (58%). Most cases involved an in-state clinic (81%), clinic travel distance under 50 miles (63%), surgical abortion (66%), and pregnancy under 13 weeks' gestation (73%), with variation across states. The median abortion fund contribution pledge was $75 (interquartile range (IQR): 60-100), supplementing median caller contributions of $200 (IQR: 40-300). These data provide a unique snapshot of a population navigating disproportionate, intersecting barriers to abortion access, and abortion fund capacity for social care and science. Findings can inform abortion fund development, data quality improvement efforts, as well as reproductive health, rights and justice advocacy, policy, and research.

Quality of care for Black and Latina women living with HIV in the U.S.: a qualitative study.

BACKGROUND: Ending the HIV epidemic requires that women living with HIV (WLWH) have access to structurally competent HIV-related and other health care. WLWH may not regularly engage in care due to inadequate quality; however, women's perspectives on the quality of care they receive are understudied. METHODS: We conducted 12 focus groups and three in-depth interviews with Black (90%) and Latina (11%) WLWH enrolled in the Women's Interagency HIV Study in Atlanta, GA, Birmingham, AL, Brooklyn, NY, Chapel Hill, NC, Chicago, IL, and Jackson, MS from November 2017 to May 2018 (n = 92). We used a semi-structured format to facilitate discussions about satisfaction and dissatisfaction with health care engagement experiences, and suggestions for improvement, which were audio-recorded, transcribed, and coded using thematic analysis. RESULTS: Themes emerged related to women's health care satisfaction or dissatisfaction at the provider, clinic, and systems levels and across Institute of Medicine-defined quality of care domains (effectiveness, efficiency, equity, patient-centeredness, safety and timeliness). Women's degree of care satisfaction was driven by: 1) knowledge-based care resulting in desired outcomes (effectiveness); 2) coordination, continuity and necessity of care (efficiency); 3) perceived disparities in care (equity); 4) care delivery characterized by compassion, nonjudgment, accommodation, and autonomous decision-making (patient-centeredness); 5) attention to avoiding side effects and over-medicalization (safety); and 6) limited wait time (timeliness). CONCLUSIONS: Quality of care represents a key changeable lever affecting engage in care among WLWH. The communities most proximally affected by HIV should be key stakeholders in HIV-related quality assurance. Findings highlight aspects of the health care experience valued by WLWH, and potential participatory, patient-driven avenues for improvement.

Disparities in Infant Mortality by Race Among Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Infants.

OBJECTIVES: U.S.-born Hispanic infants have a well-documented health advantage relative to other minority groups. However, little published research has examined racial heterogeneity within the Hispanic population, in relation to health outcomes. The current study aims to explore possible implications of racial identification for the health of U.S. born Hispanic compared to non-Hispanic infants. Methods Data were drawn from 2007 to 2008 NCHS Cohort Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files, restricted to deliveries of Hispanic black, Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black (NHB) and non-Hispanic white mothers (NHW) (n = 7,901,858). Adjusted odds ratios for first week mortality, neonatal, postneonatal, and overall infant mortality were calculated for each group, using NHW as the reference group. RESULTS: A distinct health gradient was observed in which NHB infants (n = 1,250,222) had the highest risk of first week (aOR 2.29, CI 2.21-2.37), neonatal (aOR 2.23, CI 2.17-2.30), postneonatal (aOR 1.74, CI 1.68-1.81), and infant mortality (aOR 2.05, CI 2.00-2.10) compared to NHW infants (n = 4,578,150). Hispanic black infants (n = 84,377) also experienced higher risk of first-week (aOR 1.28 (1.12-1.47), neonatal (aOR .27, CI 1.13-1.44), postneonatal (aOR 1.34, CI 1.15-1.56), and infant mortality (aOR 1.30, CI 1.18-1.43) compared to both NHW and Hispanic white infants (n = 1,989,109). Conclusions for Practice: Risk of infant mortality varies among Hispanic infants by race, with poorer outcomes experienced by Hispanic black infants. Compared to non-Hispanic infants of the same race, Hispanic black infants experience a smaller health disadvantage and Hispanic white infants have better or similar infant health outcomes. Our findings suggest implications of racial heterogeneity on infant health outcomes, and provide insight into the role of race as a social construct.