Financing gaps for Pakistan's contraceptive prevalence goals: Analyses using the Guttmacher adding-it-up methodology.

OBJECTIVES: The objective of the paper is to identify levels of and gaps in family planning financing in Pakistan and to assess whether current funding is sufficient to meet national and FP2030 goals to increase contraceptive use to 60% by 2030. STUDY DESIGN: We estimate the cost of family planning services nationally and by province based on the Essential Services Package and WHO/UNFPA cost by applying the existing Guttmacher global Adding-It-Up methodology. Additional data are also analyzed to assess trends in expenditures on family planning between 2017 and 2021. RESULTS: The estimated cost of family planning services provided in Pakistan in 2017 was US$81 million, equivalent to US$0.38 per capita. The estimated gap in costs to provide contraceptive services to the additional 8.6 million women with unmet need for modern contraception was US$93 million. While we found evidence of an upward trend in overall government expenditure on family planning services over the period 2017-21, the pace of increase was slow and uneven across regions. CONCLUSIONS: The evidence highlights the persistent inadequacy of financing for contraceptive services especially if Pakistan intends to achieve its ambitious national and FP2030 goal of increasing contraceptive prevalence to 60% by 2030. IMPLICATIONS: A doubling of current funding for contraceptive services is required in Pakistan. Additional financing needs to be directed towards the poorest women with unmet need to avoid unintended pregnancies and to improve equity in reproductive health outcomes.

Key drivers of fertility levels and differentials in India, at the national, state and population subgroup levels, 2015-2016: An application of Bongaarts' proximate determinants model.

OBJECTIVES: The transition to small family size is at an advanced phase in India, with a national TFR of 2.2 in 2015-16. This paper examines the roles of four key determinants of fertility-marriage, contraception, abortion and postpartum infecundability-for India, all 29 states and population subgroups. METHODS: Data from the most recent available national survey, the National Family Health Survey, conducted in 2015-16, were used. The Bongaarts proximate determinants model was used to quantify the roles of the four key factors that largely determine fertility. Methodological contributions of this analysis are: adaptations of the model to the Indian context; measurement of the role of abortion; and provision of estimates for sub-groups nationally and by state: age, education, residence, wealth status and caste. RESULTS: Nationally, marriage is the most important determinant of the reduction in fertility from the biological maximum, contributing 36%, followed by contraception and abortion, contributing 24% and 23% respectively, and post-partum infecundability contributed 16%. This national pattern of contributions characterizes most states and subgroups. Abortion makes a larger contribution than contraception among young women and better educated women. Findings suggest that sterility and infertility play a greater than average role in Southern states; marriage practices in some Northeastern states; and male migration for less-educated women. The absence of stronger relationships between the key proximate fertility determinants and geography or socio-economic status suggests that as family size declined, the role of these determinants is increasingly homogenous. CONCLUSIONS: Findings argue for improvements across all states and subgroups, in provision of contraceptive care and safe abortion services, given the importance of these mechanisms for implementing fertility preferences. In-depth studies are needed to identify policy and program needs that depend on the barriers and vulnerabilities that exist in specific areas and population groups.

Abortion service provision in South Asia: A comparative study of four countries.

OBJECTIVES: Nationally representative evidence on abortion service provision is scarce in South Asia. To inform improvements in service provision, this paper assesses the availability of facility-based postabortion services in Nepal, India (six states), Bangladesh and Pakistan, and legal abortion services in India and Nepal and Bangladesh (where the official term used is menstrual regulation or MR). STUDY DESIGN: The paper presents comparable indicators on three aspects of abortion service provision from representative surveys of public and private sector facilities, conducted over 2012-2015. Indicators cover three areas: (a) need for abortion-related care (total number of abortions and percent of abortions that are legal and the postabortion treatment rate); (b) availability and accessibility of facility-based abortion-related services (percent of facilities offering only one of the two services, percent which are public and percent located in rural areas); (c) quality of facility-based abortion care (percent of legal abortions using procedures not recommended by WHO and percent of women turned away when seeking abortion or MR services). RESULTS: The proportion of all abortions that are illegal ranges from 58% to almost 78% in the three countries where abortion is permitted under broad criteria. The annual treatment rate for abortion complications ranges from about 4 to 26 per 1000 women ages 15-49 across the countries and states covered. In India and Nepal, less than 40% of public sector facilities that are permitted to provide abortion services do so; in Bangladesh, the situation is somewhat better, at 53% providing MR. Across the six Indian states, 4-43% of facilities that offer abortion care are located in rural areas, disproportionately lower than the proportion of women living in rural areas (49-87%). About 30-60% of facilities offered only postabortion care and did not offer legal services in the three countries where legal services are permitted (with the sole exception of Tamil Nadu where this proportion was only 11%); of the remaining facilities, the large majority offered both services. Medication abortion is offered by the large majority of facilities that provide induced abortion and accounts for 40-45%, of facility-based abortions in Nepal and four of the states of India; in Assam and Bihar, this proportion was much lower (13% and 27% respectively). Invasive procedures that are not recommended by WHO are more widely used in India (up to 25-37% of facility-based abortions are D&C procedures; the large majority of this group are D&C, and a small proportion may be D&E, a WHO-recommended abortion procedure, that could not be separated out in this study because providers use the two labels interchangeably); by comparison, the proportion is much smaller in Nepal (5%). Between 22% to a little over half of facilities turned away some women who would otherwise be eligible for an abortion or MR procedure in Nepal, the six Indian states, and Bangladesh. CONCLUSIONS: There is an urgent need to increase access to abortion, MR and postabortion services, especially for rural women. Greater access to legal abortion/MR services in the three countries that permit these procedures would increase the proportion of abortions that are legal and safe, reduce morbidity and the need for facility-based treatment for complications. Broadening the legal criteria under which abortion is permitted in Pakistan, and implementing access under such broader criteria, is needed to achieve the same improvements in Pakistan. Ensuring that these services are of high quality and comprehensive-meeting WHO-recommended standards-is essential to protect women's reproductive health and rights. IMPLICATIONS: To improve access to abortion, MR and postabortion care in South Asia, all facilities (public and private) permitted to provide these services should do so, and should include medication abortion. Improvements in quality of care are critical: invasive procedures (D&C) should be eliminated through adherence to WHO's standards of safe abortion care and women seeking abortions should not be turned away because of providers' biases.

Provision of medical methods of abortion in facilities in India in 2015: A six state comparison.

Medical methods of abortion, MMA, has been legal in India since 2002. Guidelines stipulate that it should be administered by a provider or acquired via prescription. 1.2 million women having abortions in India use MMA acquired from health facilities [Singh, S., Shekhar, C., Acharya, R., Moore, A. M., Stillman, M., Pradhan, M. R., … Browne, A. (2018). The incidence of abortion and unintended pregnancy in India, 2015. The Lancet Global Health, 6(1), e111-e120. doi: 10.1016/S2214-109X(17)30453-9 ]. We undertook a study of abortion in Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh in 2015 to better understand under what conditions and how MMA is being administered in facilities. The majority of facilities that provide MMA are in the private sector and located in urban areas. Most facilities offer MMA both at the facility and as a prescription, although some facilities only offer MMA as a prescription. A high proportion of facilities report that women typically take the medication at home. (Re)training providers in MMA protocols and counselling, increasing the number of facilities offering MMA, and stocking of the drugs would help improve women's access to MMA and the information they need to be able to use this method safely. Key Messages: In the six states in our sample, Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh, 8% of abortions in 2015 were done using medical methods of abortion (MMA) acquired from health facilities. The majority of facilities that provide MMA in the six states are in the private sector and are located in urban areas. Health facilities in Madhya Pradesh and Tamil Nadu are comparatively better in their provision of MMA with Assam, Bihar, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh demonstrating poorer provision of MMA. There are many opportunities for improvement in the practices of MMA provision through improved training of providers, accessibility to the medications and better support of women using MMA.

The Incidence of Menstrual Regulation Procedures and Abortion in Bangladesh, 2014.

CONTEXT: Menstrual regulation (MR) has been part of the Bangladesh family planning program since 1979. However, clandestine abortion remains a serious health problem in Bangladesh, and anecdotal reports indicate that clandestine use of misoprostol has increased since the most recent estimates (for 2010). Because of this, it is important to assess changes in the use of MR services and the incidence of clandestine abortion since 2010. METHODS: A survey of a nationally representative sample of 829 health facilities that provide MR or postabortion care services and a survey of 322 professionals knowledgeable about these services were conducted in 2014. Direct and indirect methods were applied to calculate the incidence of MR and induced abortion. RESULTS: In 2014, an estimated 1,194,000 induced abortions were performed in Bangladesh (29 per 1,000 women aged 15-49), and 257,000 women were treated for complications of such abortions (a rate of 6 per 1,000 women aged 15-49). Among women with complications, the proportion presenting with hemorrhage increased significantly, from 27% to 48%. An estimated 430,000 MR procedures (using MVA or medication) were performed in health facilities nationwide, a decline of about 40% in the MR rate-from 17 to 10 per 1,000 women aged 15-49-from 2010 to 2014. CONCLUSIONS: Given declines in MR provision, more attention needs to be paid to building capacity, including hiring and training more providers of MR. Harm-reduction approaches should be pursued to increase the safety of clandestine use of misoprostol in Bangladesh.

Diversity and divergence: the dynamic burden of poor maternal health.

Maternal health is a big issue and is central to sustainable development. Each year, about 210 million women become pregnant and about 140 million newborn babies are delivered-the sheer scale of maternal health alone makes maternal well being and survival vital concerns. In this Series paper, we adopt primarily a numerical lens to illuminate patterns and trends in outcomes, but recognise that understanding of poor maternal health also warrants other perspectives, such as human rights. Our use of the best available evidence highlights the dynamic burden of maternal health problems. Increased diversity in the magnitude and causes of maternal mortality and morbidity between and within populations presents a major challenge to policies and programmes aiming to match varying needs with diverse types of care across different settings. This diversity, in turn, contributes to a widening gap or differences in levels of maternal mortality, seen most acutely in vulnerable populations, predominantly in sub-Saharan Africa. Strong political and technical commitment to improve equity-sensitive information systems is required to monitor the gap in maternal mortality, and robust research is needed to elucidate major interactions between the broad range of health problems. Diversity and divergence are defining characteristics of poor maternal health in the 21st century. Progress on this issue will be an ultimate judge of sustainable development.

The cost of post-abortion care in developing countries: a comparative analysis of four studies.

Over the last five years, comprehensive national surveys of the cost of post-abortion care (PAC) to national health systems have been undertaken in Ethiopia, Uganda, Rwanda and Colombia using a specially developed costing methodology-the Post-abortion Care Costing Methodology (PACCM). The objective of this study is to expand the research findings of these four studies, making use of their extensive datasets. These studies offer the most complete and consistent estimates of the cost of PAC to date, and comparing their findings not only provides generalizable implications for health policies and programs, but also allows an assessment of the PACCM methodology. We find that the labor cost component varies widely: in Ethiopia and Colombia doctors spend about 30-60% more time with PAC patients than do nurses; in Uganda and Rwanda an opposite pattern is found. Labor costs range from I$42.80 in Uganda to I$301.30 in Colombia. The cost of drugs and supplies does not vary greatly, ranging from I$79 in Colombia to I$115 in Rwanda. Capital and overhead costs are substantial amounting to 52-68% of total PAC costs. Total costs per PAC case vary from I$334 in Rwanda to I$972 in Colombia. The financial burden of PAC is considerable: the expense of treating each PAC case is equivalent to around 35% of annual per capita income in Uganda, 29% in Rwanda and 11% in Colombia. Providing modern methods of contraception to women with an unmet need would cost just a fraction of the average expenditure on PAC: one year of modern contraceptive services and supplies cost only 3-12% of the average cost of treating a PAC patient.

Typical-use contraceptive failure rates in 43 countries with Demographic and Health Survey data: summary of a detailed report.

BACKGROUND: While most unintended pregnancies occur because couples do not use contraception, contraceptive failure is also an important underlying cause. However, few recent studies outside of the United States have estimated contraceptive failure rates, and most such studies have been restricted to married women, to a limited number of countries and to 12-month failure rate estimates. METHODS: Using self-reported data from 43 countries with Demographic and Health Survey data, we estimated typical-use contraceptive failure rates for seven contraceptive methods at 12, 24 and 36months of use. We provide a median estimate for each method across 43 countries overall, in seven subregions and in individual countries. We assess differences by various demographic and socioeconomic characteristics. Estimates are not corrected for potential errors in retrospective reporting contraceptive use or potential underreporting of abortion, which may vary by country and subgroups within countries. RESULTS: Across all included countries, reported 12-month typical-use failure rates were lowest for users of longer-acting methods such as implants (0.6 failures per 100 episodes of use), intrauterine devices (1.4) and injectables (1.7); intermediate for users of short-term resupply methods such as oral contraceptive pills (5.5) and male condoms (5.4); and highest for users of traditional methods such as withdrawal (13.4) or periodic abstinence (13.9), a group largely using calendar rhythm. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings help us to highlight those methods, subregions and population groups that may be in need of particular attention for improvements in policies and programs to address higher contraceptive failure rates.

Abortion Incidence and Unintended Pregnancy in Nepal.

CONTEXT: Although abortion has been legal under broad criteria in Nepal since 2002, a significant proportion of women continue to obtain illegal, unsafe abortions, and no national estimates exist of the incidence of safe and unsafe abortions. METHODS: Data were collected in 2014 from a nationally representative sample of 386 facilities that provide legal abortions or postabortion care and a survey of 134 health professionals knowledgeable about abortion service provision. Facility caseloads and indirect estimation techniques were used to calculate the national and regional incidence of legal and illegal abortion. National and regional levels of abortion complications and unintended pregnancy were also estimated. RESULTS: In 2014, women in Nepal had 323,100 abortions, of which 137,000 were legal, and 63,200 women were treated for abortion complications. The abortion rate was 42 per 1,000 women aged 15-49, and the abortion ratio was 56 per 100 live births. The abortion rate in the Central region (59 per 1,000) was substantially higher than the national average. Overall, 50% of pregnancies were unintended, and the unintended pregnancy rate was 68 per 1,000 women of reproductive age. CONCLUSIONS: Despite legalization of abortion and expansion of services in Nepal, unsafe abortion is still common and exacts a heavy toll on women. Programs and policies to reduce rates of unintended pregnancy and unsafe abortion, increase access to high-quality contraceptive care and expand safe abortion services are warranted.

The health system cost of post-abortion care in Rwanda.

Based on research conducted in 2012, we estimate the cost to the Rwandan health-care system of providing post-abortion care (PAC) due to unsafe abortions, a subject of policy importance not studied before at the national level. Thirty-nine public and private health facilities representing three levels of health care were randomly selected for data collection from key care providers and administrators for all five regions. Using an ingredients approach to costing, data were gathered on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time and hospitalization. Additionally, direct non-medical costs such as overhead and capital costs were also measured. We found that the average annual PAC cost per client, across five types of abortion complications, was $93. The total cost of PAC nationally was estimated to be $1.7 million per year, 49% of which was expended on direct non-medical costs. Satisfying all demands for PAC would raise the national cost to $2.5 million per year. PAC comprises a significant share of total expenditure in reproductive health in Rwanda. Investing more resources in provision of contraceptive services to prevent unwanted or mistimed pregnancies would likely reduce health systems costs.

Induced abortions and unintended pregnancies in pakistan.

During the past decade, unmet need for family planning has remained high in Pakistan and gains in contraceptive prevalence have been small. Drawing upon data from a 2012 national study on postabortion-care complications and a methodology developed by the Guttmacher Institute for estimating abortion incidence, we estimate that there were 2.2 million abortions in Pakistan in 2012, an annual abortion rate of 50 per 1,000 women. A previous study estimated an abortion rate of 27 per 1,000 women in 2002. After taking into consideration the earlier study's underestimation of abortion incidence, we conclude that the abortion rate has likely increased substantially between 2002 and 2012. Varying contraceptive-use patterns and abortion rates are found among the provinces, with higher abortion rates in Baluchistan and Sindh than in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab. This suggests that strategies for coping with the other wise uniformly high unintended pregnancy rates will differ among provinces. The need for an accelerated and fortified family planning program is greater than ever, as is the need to implement strategies to improve the quality and coverage of postabortion services.

The health system cost of post-abortion care in Uganda.

This article presents estimates based on the research conducted in 2010 of the cost to the Ugandan health system of providing post-abortion care (PAC), filling a gap in knowledge of the cost of unsafe abortion. Thirty-nine public and private health facilities were sampled representing three levels of health care, and data were collected on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time and out-of-pocket expenses. In addition, direct non-medical costs in the form of overhead and capital costs were also measured. Our results show that the average annual PAC cost per client, across five types of abortion complications, was $131. The total cost of PAC nationally, including direct non-medical costs, was estimated to be $13.9 million per year. Satisfying all demand for PAC would raise the national cost to $20.8 million per year. This shows that PAC consumes a substantial portion of the total expenditure in reproductive health in Uganda. Investing more resources in family planning programmes to prevent unwanted and mistimed pregnancies would help reduce health systems costs.

Postabortion care in Pakistan.

The current law in Pakistan permits abortion only under narrow circumstances. As a result, women resort to clandestine and unsafe abortion procedures, which often lead to complications. This report summarizes findings from a study that examined the conditions under which women obtain abortion in Pakistan; the incidence, coverage and quality of facility-based postabortion care (PAC); and the extent to which recommended standards for PAC have been implemented in health facilities.

Documenting the individual- and household-level cost of unsafe abortion in Uganda.

CONTEXT: Although Uganda has a restrictive abortion law, illegal abortions performed under dangerous conditions are common. Data are lacking, however, on the economic impact of postabortion complications on women and their households. METHODS: Data from a 2011-2012 survey of 1,338 women who received postabortion care at 27 Ugandan health facilities were used to assess the economic consequences of unsafe abortion and subsequent treatment. Information was obtained on treatment costs and on the impact of abortion complications on children in the household, on the productivity of the respondent and other household members, and on changes in their economic circumstances. RESULTS: Most women reported that their unsafe abortion had had one or more adverse effects, including loss of productivity (73%), negative consequences for their children (60%) and deterioration in economic circumstances (34%). Women who had spent one or more nights in a facility receiving postabortion care were more likely than those who had not needed an overnight stay to experience these three consequences (odds ratios, 1.6-2.8), and women who had incurred higher postabortion care expenses were more likely than those with lower expenses to report deterioration in economic circumstances (1.6). Wealthier women were less likely than the poorest women to report that their children had suffered negative consequences (0.4-0.5). CONCLUSIONS: The impact of complications of unsafe abortion and the expense of treating them are substantial for Ugandan women and their households. Strategies to reduce the number of unsafe procedures, such as by expanding access to contraceptives to prevent unintended pregnancies, are urgently needed.

Factors associated with abortion-seeking and obtaining a safe abortion in Ghana.

Although Ghana's abortion law is fairly liberal, unsafe abortion and its consequences remain among the largest contributors to maternal mortality in the country. This study analyzes data from the 2007 Ghana Maternal Health Survey to identify the sociodemographic profiles of women who seek to induce abortion and those who are able to obtain safe abortion services. We hypothesize that women who have access to safe abortion will not be distributed randomly across different social groups in Ghana; rather, access will be influenced by social and economic factors. The results confirm this hypothesis and reveal that the women who are most vulnerable to unsafe abortions are younger, poorer, and lack partner support. The study concludes with policy recommendations for improving access to safe abortion for all subgroups of women, especially the most vulnerable.

Menstrual regulation, unsafe abortion, and maternal health in Bangladesh.

Maternal mortality has declined considerably in Bangladesh over the past few decades. Some of that decline--though precisely how much cannot be quantified--is likely attributable to the country's menstrual regulation program,which allows women to establish nonpregnancy safely after a missed period and thus avoid recourse to unsafe abortion. Key Points. (1) Unsafe clandestine abortion persists in Bangladesh. In 2010, some 231,000 led to complications that were treated at health facilities, but another 341,000 cases were not. In all, 572,000 unsafe procedures led to complications that year. (2) Recourse to unsafe abortion can be avoided by use of the safe, government sanctioned service of menstrual regulation (MR)--establishing nonpregnancy after a missed period, most often using manual vacuum aspiration. In 2010, an estimated 653,000 women obtained MRs, a rate of 18 per 1,000 women of reproductive age. (3) The rate at which MRs result in complications that are treated in facilities is one-third that of the complications of induced abortions--120 per 1,000 MRs vs. 357 per 1,000 induced abortions. (4) There is room for improvement in MR service provision, however. In 2010, 43% of the facilities that could potentially offer it did not. Moreover, one-third of rural primary health care facilities did not provide the service. These are staffed by Family Welfare Visitors, recognized to be the backbone of the MR program. In addition, one-quarter of all MR clients were denied the procedure. (5) To assure that trends toward lower abortion-related morbidity and mortality continue, women need expanded access to the means of averting unsafe abortion. To that end, the government needs to address barriers to widespread, safe MR services, including women's limited knowledge of their availability, the reasons why facilities do not provide MRs or reject women who seek one, and the often poor quality of care.

Abortion incidence and postabortion care in Rwanda.

Abortion is illegal in Rwanda except when necessary to protect a woman's physical health or to save her life. Many women in Rwanda obtain unsafe abortions, and some experience health complications as a result. To estimate the incidence of induced abortion, we conducted a national sample survey of health facilities that provide postabortion care and a purposive sample survey of key informants knowledgeable about abortion conditions. We found that more than 16,700 women received care for complications resulting from induced abortion in Rwanda in 2009, or 7 per 1,000 women aged 15-44. Approximately 40 percent of abortions are estimated to lead to complications requiring treatment, but about a third of those who experienced a complication did not obtain treatment. Nationally, the estimated induced abortion rate is 25 abortions per 1,000 women aged 15-44, or approximately 60,000 abortions annually. An urgent need exists in Rwanda to address unmet need for contraception, to strengthen family planning services, to broaden access to legal abortion, and to improve postabortion care.

The incidence of menstrual regulation procedures and abortion in Bangladesh, 2010.

CONTEXT: Bangladesh is unique in including menstrual regulation (MR) services as part of the government family planning program, despite having a highly restrictive abortion law. The only national estimates of MR and abortion incidence are from a 1995 study, and updated information is needed to inform policies and programs regarding the provision of MR and related reproductive health services. METHODS: Surveys of a nationally representative sample of 670 health facilities that provide MR and postabortion care services and of 151 knowledgeable professionals were conducted in 2010, and MR service statistics of nongovernmental organizations were compiled. Indirect estimation techniques were applied to calculate the incidence and rates of MR and induced abortion. RESULTS: In 2010, an estimated 647,000 induced abortions were performed in Bangladesh, and 231,400 women were treated for complications of such abortions. Furthermore, an estimated 653,000 MR procedures were performed at facilities nationwide. However, an estimated 26% of all women seeking an MR at facilities were turned away, and about one in 10 of those who had an MR were treated for complications. Nationally, the annual abortion rate was 18.2 per 1,000 women aged 15-44, and the MR rate was 18.3 per 1,000 women. CONCLUSIONS: The incidence of induced abortion is the same as that of MR, which suggests considerable unsatisfied demand for the latter service. Furthermore, the high rates of complications from MRs highlight the need to improve the quality of clinical services. Increased access to contraceptives and MR services would help reduce rates of unplanned pregnancy and unsafe abortion.

The health system cost of postabortion care in Ethiopia.

To address the knowledge gap that exists in costing unsafe abortion in Ethiopia, estimates were derived of the cost to the health system of providing postabortion care (PAC), based on research conducted in 2008. Fourteen public and private health facilities were selected, representing 3 levels of health care. Cost information on drugs, supplies, material, personnel time, and out-of-pocket expenses was collected using an ingredients approach. Sensitivity analysis was used to determine the most likely range of costs. The average direct cost per client, across 5 types of abortion complications, was US $36.21. The annual direct cost nationally ranged from US $6.5 to US $8.9 million. Including indirect costs and satisfying all demand increased the annual national cost to US $47 million. PAC consumes a large portion of the total expenditure in reproductive health in Ethiopia. Investing more resources in family planning programs to prevent unwanted pregnancies would be cost-beneficial to the health system.