The costs and benefits of cannabis control policies
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As is the case for most drugs, cannabis use has costs and benefits, and so do the policies that attempt to minimize the first and maximize the second. This article summarizes what we know about the harmful effects of recreational cannabis use and the benefits of medical cannabis use under the policy of prohibition that prevailed in developed countries until 2012. It outlines three broad ways in which cannabis prohibition may be relaxed, namely, the depenalization of personal possession and use, the legalization of medical use, and the legalization of adult recreational use. It reviews evidence to date on the impacts of each of these forms of liberalization on the costs and benefits of cannabis use. It makes some plausible conjectures about the future impacts of the commercialization of cannabis using experience from the commercialization of the alcohol, tobacco, and gambling industries. Cannabis policy entails unavoidable trade-offs between competing social values in the face of considerable uncertainty about the effects that more liberal cannabis policies will have on cannabis use and its consequences for better or worse.
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El consumo de cannabis, como se da con la mayoría de las drogas, tiene costos y beneficios ; igual ocurre con las políticas que intentan minimizar los primeros y maximizar los segundos. Este artículo resume lo que conocemos acerca de los daños provocados por el consumo recreativo de cannabis y los beneficios de su empleo medicinal según la política de prohibición que prevaleció en los países desarrollados hasta 2012. Se describen tres principales formas en las que la prohibición de cannabis se puede mitigar: la despenalización de la posesión y uso personal, la legalización del uso médico, y la legalización del uso recreativo en adultos. Se revisa la evidencia hasta la fecha sobre los impactos de cada una de estas formas de liberalización en los costos y beneficios del consumo de cannabis. Se hacen algunas posibles conjeturas acerca de los impactos futuros de la comercialización de cannabis utilizando la experiencia al respecto de las industrias del alcohol, el tabaco y de los juegos de azar. Se sabe poco sobre el impacto de la liberalización del consumo de cannabis, así como de sus consecuencias positivas o negativas. Cualquier política sobre este tema implica compromisos inevitables entre valores sociales opuestos.

Comme pour la plupart des drogues, la consommation de cannabis a ses coûts et ses bénéfices. Tout comme les politiques qui s'efforcent de minimiser les premiers et de maximiser les seconds.. Nous résumons dans cet article nos connaissances sur les dangers de l'usage récréatif du cannabis et les bénéfices de son usage médical dans le cadre de la politique d'interdiction qui a prévalu dans les pays développés jusqu'en 2012. Nous y décrivons trois grandes voies d'assouplissement de l'interdiction du cannabis, à savoir la dépénalisation de la possession et de la consommation personnelles, la légalisation de l'utilisation médicale et la légalisation de la consommation récréative par des adultes. Chacune de ces formes de libéralisation influe sur les coûts et les bénéfices de la consommation de cannabis, générant des données analysées ici. En nous inspirant de l'expérience acquise dans le cadre de la commercialisation de l'alcool et la légalisation des jeux de hasard, nous émettons des hypothèses sur les possibles conséquences de la commercialisation du cannabis. L'impact de la libéralisation du cannabis sur sa consommation est peu connu, de même que ses conséquences pour le meilleur ou pour le pire, et toute politique menée à ce sujet implique des compromis inévitables entre des valeurs sociales opposées.

Will the Current COVID-19 Pandemic Impact on Long-term Cannabis Buying Practices?

: The COVID-19 pandemic and the response to have resulted in an increase in sales activity levels on darknet markets during the first 3 months of 2020, mainly related to cannabis products. One key question is whether more people will become used to this form of purchasing their drugs and will they continue with it post COVID-19 lockdown. As one-to-one encrypted communication services or social media apps are increasingly being used, monitoring and interdiction will become much more challenging.

Gender differences among cannabis self-cultivators in Spain. / Diferencias de género entre autocultivadores de cannabis en España.

The increase in cannabis use coincides with the proliferation of small-scale cannabis cultivation. These crops facilitate substance availability and increased use. Some investigations have studied the characteristics of small-scale cultivators; however, it is not known whether their profiles differ by gender. The aim of the present study was to analyse differences among growers regarding sociodemographic variables, patterns of use and health problems from a gender perspective. A descriptive observational study was designed with a sample of 219 cultivators (157 men and 62 women), aged between 18 and 34. Problematic use of cannabis (CPQ), cannabis dependence (SDS), patterns of abuse (CAST), risky alcohol use (AUDIT), nicotine dependence (FTND) and sociodemographic variables (ad hoc questionnaire) were analysed. The results showed convergence between men and women in some indicators: early onset and daily cannabis use, psychosocial problems deriving from use, a similar number of problematic use and cannabis dependence cases, as well as a polydrug trend. Conversely, men reported greater physical problems and more intensive use of cannabis and alcohol. Women cannabis growers presented a similar profile to their male counterparts, whereas studies of the general population have shown cannabis use to be higher among men than women. This fact supports the relevance of researching specific risk factors related to gender, which can exert a differential influence on the intensity of use, and their relationship with small-scale cultivation. Implications of these results for planning preventive strategies and treatment are discussed from a gender perspective.

El incremento en el consumo de cannabis coincide con la proliferación del cultivo de cannabis a pequeña escala. Estos cultivos favorecen la disponibilidad de la sustancia e incrementan su consumo. Investigaciones previas han dejado entrever las características definitorias de poblaciones de cultivadores, pero se desconoce si su perfil difiere en función del género. El objeto del presente estudio fue analizar las diferencias de género en autocultivadores en relación con variables sociodemográficas, patrones de consumo y problemáticas de salud. Se diseñó un estudio observacional descriptivo, con una muestra de 219 cultivadores (157 hombres y 62 mujeres), con edades entre 18 y 34 años. Se analizaron problemas de consumo (CPQ), dependencia del cannabis (SDS), patrones de abuso(CAST), consumo de riesgo de alcohol (AUDIT), dependencia de la nicotina (FTND) y variables sociodemográficas (cuestionario ad hoc). Los resultados mostraron convergencia entre hombres y mujeres en los indicadores: inicio temprano y consumo diario de cannabis, problemáticas psicosociales derivadas del consumo, un número similar de casos de consumo problemático y dependencia del cannabis y tendencia al policonsumo. Contrariamente, los varones refirieron mayores problemas físicos, consumo intensivo de cannabis y de alcohol. A diferencia de los estudios en población general, donde el consumo de cannabis es mayor en hombres que en mujeres, las mujeres autocultivadoras presentan un perfil similar a los autocultivadores hombres. Este hecho sugiere la necesidad de investigar sobre los factores de riesgo específicos al género que pueden estar influyendo diferencialmente en el consumo intensivo y su relación con el autocultivo. Se discuten las implicaciones de los resultados en la planificación de estrategias preventivas y de tratamiento, desde una perspectiva de género.

The three betrayals of the medical cannabis growing activist: From multiple victimhood to reconstruction, redemption and activism.

While cannabis has been widely used in the UK for over 50 years, it is only in recent decades that domestic cultivation has become established. Public concern, media reporting and policing policy has emphasised the role of profit motivated criminal organisations often working on a large scale and with coerced labour. However, increasingly, another population are growing for medical reasons, to help themselves and others treat or manage difficult, poorly understood, or incurable conditions. Our study sought to further understand the motives, techniques and interactions of cannabis cultivators through interviews with 48 growers and supplementary ethnographic work. As well as those motivated to grow for personal use, social and commercial supply purposes we identified a cohort growing to provide themselves and others with cannabis used for therapeutic purposes. This paper draws primarily on interviews with a sub-group of sixteen medically-motivated growers who were not only involved in treatment, but also embraced the label "activist". Rather than develop techniques of deception they were organising to effect a change in legislation. Rejecting the image of criminal perpetrators, they presented themselves as victims of unjust government policy, an indifferent medical establishment, and brutal and immoral criminal markets. Through cultivation, association, self-healing and apomedication, they have found voice and are shifting the debate over the status of growers and of cannabis itself. The ambiguity of their position as both producers and patients challenges the assumptions underlying legal distinctions between suppliers and users, with potentially profound implications for policy.

Estimating the harms and costs of cannabis-attributable collisions in the Canadian provinces.

INTRODUCTION: In 2012, 10% of Canadians used cannabis and just under half of those who use cannabis were estimated to have driven under the influence of cannabis. Substantial evidence has accumulated to indicate that driving after cannabis use increases collision risk significantly; however, little is known about the extent and costs associated with cannabis-related traffic collisions. This study quantifies the costs of cannabis-related traffic collisions in the Canadian provinces. METHODS: Province and age specific cannabis-attributable fractions (CAFs) were calculated for traffic collisions of varying severity. The CAFs were applied to traffic collision data in order to estimate the total number of persons involved in cannabis-attributable fatal, injury and property damage only collisions. Social cost values, based on willingness-to-pay and direct costs, were applied to estimate the costs associated with cannabis-related traffic collisions. The 95% confidence intervals were calculated using Monte Carlo methodology. RESULTS: Cannabis-attributable traffic collisions were estimated to have caused 75 deaths (95% CI: 0-213), 4407 injuries (95% CI: 20-11,549) and 7794 people (95% CI: 3107-13,086) were involved in property damage only collisions in Canada in 2012, totalling $1,094,972,062 (95% CI: 37,069,392-2,934,108,175) with costs being highest among younger people. DISCUSSION: The cannabis-attributable driving harms and costs are substantial. The harm and cost of cannabis-related collisions is an important factor to consider as Canada looks to legalize and regulate the sale of cannabis. This analysis provides evidence to help inform Canadian policy to reduce the human and economic costs of drug-impaired driving.

Alcohol, Cannabis, and Opioid Use Disorders, and Disease Burden in an Integrated Health Care System.

OBJECTIVES: We examined prevalence of major medical conditions and extent of disease burden among patients with and without substance use disorders (SUDs) in an integrated health care system serving 3.8 million members. METHODS: Medical conditions and SUDs were extracted from electronic health records in 2010. Patients with SUDs (n = 45,461; alcohol, amphetamine, barbiturate, cocaine, hallucinogen, and opioid) and demographically matched patients without SUDs (n = 45,461) were compared on the prevalence of 19 major medical conditions. Disease burden was measured as a function of 10-year mortality risk using the Charlson Comorbidity Index. P-values were adjusted using Hochberg's correction for multiple-inference testing within each medical condition category. RESULTS: The most frequently diagnosed SUDs in 2010 were alcohol (57.6%), cannabis (14.9%), and opioid (12.9%). Patients with these SUDs had higher prevalence of major medical conditions than non-SUD patients (alcohol use disorders, 85.3% vs 55.3%; cannabis use disorders, 41.9% vs 23.0%; and opioid use disorders, 44.9% vs 26.1%; all P < 0.001). Patients with these SUDs also had higher disease burden than non-SUD patients; patients with opioid use disorders (M = 0.48; SE = 1.46) had particularly high disease burden (M = 0.23; SE = 0.09; P < 0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Common SUDs, particularly opioid use disorders, are associated with substantial disease burden for privately insured individuals without significant impediments to care. This signals the need to explore the full impact SUDs have on the course and outcome of prevalent conditions and initiate enhanced service engagement strategies to improve disease burden.

Interrelationships between marijuana demand and discounting of delayed rewards: Convergence in behavioral economic methods.

BACKGROUND: Distinct behavioral economic domains, including high perceived drug value (demand) and delay discounting (DD), have been implicated in the initiation of drug use and the progression to dependence. However, it is unclear whether frequent marijuana users conform to a "reinforcer pathology" addiction model wherein marijuana demand and DD jointly increase risk for problematic marijuana use and cannabis dependence (CD). METHODS: Participants (n=88, 34% female, 14% cannabis dependent) completed a marijuana purchase task at baseline. A delay discounting task was completed following placebo marijuana cigarette (0% THC) administration during a separate experimental session. RESULTS: Marijuana demand and DD were quantified using area under the curve (AUC). In multiple regression models, demand uniquely predicted frequency of marijuana use while DD did not. In contrast, DD uniquely predicted CD symptom count while demand did not. There were no significant interactions between demand and DD in either model. CONCLUSIONS: These findings suggest that frequent marijuana users exhibit key constituents of the reinforcer pathology model: high marijuana demand and steep discounting of delayed rewards. However, demand and DD appear to be independent rather than synergistic risk factors for elevated marijuana use and risk for progression to CD. Findings also provide support for using AUC as a singular marijuana demand metric, particularly when also examining other behavioral economic constructs that apply similar statistical approaches, such as DD, to support analytic methodological convergence.

Cannabis cultivation in Spain: A profile of plantations, growers and production systems.

BACKGROUND: The European market for cannabis derivatives is being transformed. The cultivation of cannabis within the EU and the shift of demand from hashish to domestic marihuana are key aspects of this transformation. Spain, formerly central to the trade of Moroccan hashish, is becoming a marihuana-producing country. The emergence of "import-substitution" has been researched in other EU countries, but thus far the Spanish case remains undocumented. METHODS: This paper is based on analysis of data of 748 cannabis plantations seized by Spanish police in 2013. The sample comprises reports of seizures identified through a survey of online news and police reports. "Event-analysis" methods were applied to these sources. RESULTS: The analysis offers a typology of plantations, a profile of participants and the different production systems, and a model of regional distribution. Half of the plantations were small (less than 42 plants) and half contained between 100 and 1000 plants, with an average size of 261 plants. About three-quarters of plants were cultivated indoors using stolen electricity. 86% of all plants seized were from large-scale plantations (more than 220 plants). Most plantations were located along the Mediterranean coast, where population and tourism are concentrated. Over three-quarters of those indicted by police were Spanish (85%). Among the foreign owners of big plantations, Dutch nationals predominated. The number of seized plants by province was directly associated with the number of grow shops (ß=0.962, p<0.001). CONCLUSION: The rise of large-scale cannabis plantations in the Spanish Mediterranean coast is increasingly replacing import of Moroccan hashish. Indoor cultivation supported by grow shops, that provide the technology and know-how, seem to be the dominant form of organization in this emerging industry. Large-scale plantations may have met most of the demand for marihuana in 2013.

The Dangerous Drugs Act Amendment in Jamaica: Reviewing goals, implementation, and challenges.

BACKGROUND: After decades of internal discussion, the Government of Jamaica recently amended its laws to create a regulated and licensed cannabis industry for medical and scientific purposes. The new law also decriminalizes personal possession and use of cannabis; allows cannabis to be used by individuals for religious, medical, scientific and therapeutic purposes; and permits home cultivation of up to five plants. METHODS: We first describe the statutory changes under the Dangerous Drugs (Amendment) Act of 2015 and compare it with other jurisdictions. We provide an analytical framework for understanding how the DDA Amendment affects key populations and achieves its stated goals, drawing on publicly available information and unstructured interviews with non-governmental stakeholders in Jamaica. RESULTS: The Amendment's primary goals are to deliver economic impact and reduce criminal justice costs. A relaxed policy of enforcement toward possession and use seems to have occurred even before the law's passage; after the law's passage, enforcement remains limited. To access medical cannabis under the DDA residents must receive authorization from a certified health professional in Jamaica; tourists may self-declare their medical need; and Rastafarians may grow and exchange non-commercially for religious purposes. CONCLUSION: Internally, many see "ganja" as an industry sorely needed to drive economic growth in Jamaica. Indeed, the potential impacts could be large, especially if Jamaica draws additional tourism or creates a viable export industry. A growing cannabis-related tourism industry seems more realistic. We maintain that policymakers and observers should proceed in an orderly fashion, continuing to identify and resolve remaining uncertainties, initiate new types of data collection, and make decisions based on realistic assessments of potentials for economic impact.

Cue-elicited increases in incentive salience for marijuana: Craving, demand, and attentional bias.

BACKGROUND: Incentive salience is a multidimensional construct that includes craving, drug value relative to other reinforcers, and implicit motivation such as attentional bias to drug cues. Laboratory cue reactivity (CR) paradigms have been used to evaluate marijuana incentive salience with measures of craving, but not with behavioral economic measures of marijuana demand or implicit attentional processing tasks. METHODS: This within-subjects study used a new CR paradigm to examine multiple dimensions of marijuana's incentive salience and to compare CR-induced increases in craving and demand. Frequent marijuana users (N=93, 34% female) underwent exposure to neutral cues then to lit marijuana cigarettes. Craving, marijuana demand via a marijuana purchase task, and heart rate were assessed after each cue set. A modified Stroop task with cannabis and control words was completed after the marijuana cues as a measure of attentional bias. RESULTS: Relative to neutral cues, marijuana cues significantly increased subjective craving and demand indices of intensity (i.e., drug consumed at $0) and Omax (i.e., peak drug expenditure). Elasticity significantly decreased following marijuana cues, reflecting sustained purchase despite price increases. Craving was correlated with demand indices (r's: 0.23-0.30). Marijuana users displayed significant attentional bias for cannabis-related words after marijuana cues. Cue-elicited increases in intensity were associated with greater attentional bias for marijuana words. CONCLUSIONS: Greater incentive salience indexed by subjective, behavioral economic, and implicit measures was observed after marijuana versus neutral cues, supporting multidimensional assessment. The study highlights the utility of a behavioral economic approach in detecting cue-elicited changes in marijuana incentive salience.

Bayesian inference for the distribution of grams of marijuana in a joint.

BACKGROUND: The average amount of marijuana in a joint is unknown, yet this figure is a critical quantity for creating credible measures of marijuana consumption. It is essential for projecting tax revenues post-legalization, estimating the size of illicit marijuana markets, and learning about how much marijuana users are consuming in order to understand health and behavioral consequences. METHODS: Arrestee Drug Abuse Monitoring data collected between 2000 and 2010 contain relevant information on 10,628 marijuana transactions, joints and loose marijuana purchases, including the city in which the purchase occurred and the price paid for the marijuana. Using the Brown-Silverman drug pricing model to link marijuana price and weight, we are able to infer the distribution of grams of marijuana in a joint and provide a Bayesian posterior distribution for the mean weight of marijuana in a joint. RESULTS: We estimate that the mean weight of marijuana in a joint is 0.32g (95% Bayesian posterior interval: 0.30-0.35). CONCLUSIONS: Our estimate of the mean weight of marijuana in a joint is lower than figures commonly used to make estimates of marijuana consumption. These estimates can be incorporated into drug policy discussions to produce better understanding about illicit marijuana markets, the size of potential legalized marijuana markets, and health and behavior outcomes.

Hashish in Morocco and Lebanon: A comparative study.

BACKGROUND: In the 1960s and the 1970s, Morocco and Lebanon became major producers of hashish for export to markets in West and Central Europe, Africa and the Middle East. By using a comparative approach, this paper aims to evaluate changes in production in the traditional areas of cannabis cultivation in the Rif (Morocco) and the Beqaa (Lebanon) and to better understand the role that these countries play in current trends in the global cultivation and consumption of cannabis. METHODS: The comparative approach takes in account the historical and institutionnal context, and the perception of cannabis in those two country. We rely on primary field research done in the Rif (from 2002) and in the Beqaa (from 1995) in the form of interviews and observations with farmers and intermediaries. Acreage and production estimates of hashish for both countries have been triangulated from different sources. RESULTS: Maghreb and Middle East have a long history of consumption, production and marketing of cannabis. Over the past 12 centuries, migration, trade and different spiritual practices and trends have led to the expansion of cannabis markets. This long period is marked by stages and rifts caused by foreign interference, a worldwide prohibition of cannabis at the beginning of the 20th century and increased global demand in the 1960s and the 1970s. Morocco and Lebanon are among the most important producers of hashish to be exported for trade for the last fifty years. The global prohibition of cannabis and the global sustained demand have created opportunities for poor farmers in the Rif and the Beqaa regions to survive and get wealthy. It is difficult to understand the reasons why areas producing cannabis are steadily increasing. If the Rif and the Beqaa share some features (such are marginalized areas of production, repressive legislation, huge international demand, range of comparable tasks and Mediterranean climate suitable for growing cannabis, etc.) then a comparison between the two countries makes it more easy to notice differences in contexts, in local and international markets (Stability in Morocco, instability in Lebanon; traditional market in Morocco, absence of local market in Lebanon, etc.) In Morocco, the stability and specialized skills among Moroccan growers of hashish have enhanced a competitive economy with various production areas, products and qualities, but also prices and strategies due to competition between Moroccan and European producers. Moreover, Morocco produces cannabis for its significant local market. CONCLUSION: As shown by comparing Morocco and Lebanon, allows us to examine their perverse effects caused by a global prohibition. The criminalization of growers has only increased their marginalized situation. The enforced eradication of cannabis has limited the cultivation for a short time but not in any sustainable way (resumption of cannabis cultivation in a time of conflict in Lebanon; replacement of local variety by hybrids in Morocco). The cultural heritage of cannabis and its social functions should not be ignored. In the light of the new global changes in the cannabis cultivation (Import substitution, technical progress in developed countries, etc.), hashish producers in the south countries are likely to face uncertain future.

Estimating the production, consumption and export of cannabis: The Dutch case.

BACKGROUND: Quantifying an illegal phenomenon like a drug market is inherently complex due to its hidden nature and the limited availability of reliable information. This article presents findings from a recent estimate of the production, consumption and export of Dutch cannabis and discusses the opportunities provided by, and limitations of, mathematical models for estimating the illegal cannabis market. METHODS: The data collection consisted of a comprehensive literature study, secondary analyses on data from available registrations (2012-2014) and previous studies, and expert opinion. The cannabis market was quantified with several mathematical models. The data analysis included a Monte Carlo simulation to come to a 95% interval estimate (IE) and a sensitivity analysis to identify the most influential indicators. RESULTS: The annual production of Dutch cannabis was estimated to be between 171 and 965tons (95% IE of 271-613tons). The consumption was estimated to be between 28 and 119tons, depending on the inclusion or exclusion of non-residents (95% IE of 51-78tons or 32-49tons respectively). The export was estimated to be between 53 and 937tons (95% IE of 206-549tons or 231-573tons, respectively). CONCLUSION: Mathematical models are valuable tools for the systematic assessment of the size of illegal markets and determining the uncertainty inherent in the estimates. The estimates required the use of many assumptions and the availability of reliable indicators was limited. This uncertainty is reflected in the wide ranges of the estimates. The estimates are sensitive to 10 of the 45 indicators. These 10 account for 86-93% of the variation found. Further research should focus on improving the variables and the independence of the mathematical models.

Evaluating the public health impacts of legalizing recreational cannabis use in the United States.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: Since 2012 four US states have legalized the retail sale of cannabis for recreational use by adults, and more are likely to follow. This report aimed to (1) briefly describe the regulatory regimes so far implemented; (2) outline their plausible effects on cannabis use and cannabis-related harm; and (3) suggest what research is needed to evaluate the public health impact of these policy changes. METHOD: We reviewed the drug policy literature to identify: (1) plausible effects of legalizing adult recreational use on cannabis price and availability; (2) factors that may increase or limit these effects; (3) pointers from studies of the effects of legalizing medical cannabis use; and (4) indicators of cannabis use and cannabis-related harm that can be monitored to assess the effects of these policy changes. RESULTS: Legalization of recreational use will probably increase use in the long term, but the magnitude and timing of any increase is uncertain. It will be critical to monitor: cannabis use in household and high school surveys; cannabis sales; the number of cannabis plants legally produced; and the tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) content of cannabis. Indicators of cannabis-related harms that should be monitored include: car crash fatalities and injuries; emergency department presentations; presentations to addiction treatment services; and the prevalence of regular cannabis use among young people in mental health services and the criminal justice system. CONCLUSIONS: Plausible effects of legalizing recreational cannabis use in the United States include substantially reducing the price of cannabis and increasing heavy use and some types of cannabis-related harm among existing users. In the longer term it may also increase the number of new users.

Do consumers substitute opium for hashish? An economic analysis of simultaneous cannabinoid and opiate consumption in a legal regime.

AIM: To analyze interrelationships in the consumption of opiates and cannabinoids in a legal regime and, specifically, whether consumers of opiates and cannabinoids treat them as substitutes for each other. METHOD: Econometric dynamic panel data models for opium consumption are estimated using the generalized method of moments (GMM). A unique dataset containing information about opiate (opium) consumption from the Punjab province of British India for the years 1907-1918 is analyzed (n=252) as a function of its own price, the prices of two forms of cannabis (the leaf (bhang), and the resin (charas, or hashish)), and wage income. Cross-price elasticities are examined to reveal substitution or complementarity between opium and cannabis. RESULTS: Opium is a substitute for charas (or hashish), with a cross price elasticity (߈3) of 0.14 (p<0.05), but not for bhang (cannabis leaves; cross price elasticity=0.00, p>0.10). Opium consumption (߈1=0.47 to 0.49, p<0.01) shows properties of habit persistence consistent with addiction. The consumption of opium is slightly responsive (inelastic) to changes in its own price (߈2=-0.34 to -0.35, p<0.05 to 0.01) and consumer wages (߈1=0.15, p<0.05). CONCLUSION: Opium and hashish, a form of cannabis, are substitutes. In addition, opium consumption displays properties of habit persistence and slight price and wage income responsiveness (inelasticity) consistent with an addictive substance.

An economic analysis of different cannabis decriminalization scenarios.

BACKGROUND: Cannabis is the most widely used illegal drug in European countries. In countries with repressive cannabis policies, prevalence is not lower than in those with tolerant laws. Repressive policies not only have uncertain benefits but they are also expensive. Economists tend to believe that good public policies minimize social costs; that is, they help to improve collective wellbeing at a lower cost. METHOD: The paper draws on a review of international literature on cannabis legislative models around the world. After a description of some of the fundamental concepts of a market economy, several existing policy scenarios will be presented and analyzed from an economic perspective. Strength and weaknesses will be summarized for each alternative. RESULTS: In addition to consumption tolerance in countries such as the Netherlands, recent decriminalization of domestic markets in the Unites States and Uruguay present alternatives to reduce the negative impact of cannabis on society. Earlier initiation age and rise in consumption are unintended potential consequences of decriminalization that need to be addressed by public authorities when designing a liberalized cannabis policy environment. Price is a key variable that needs to be addressed to prevent a rise in consumption. CONCLUSION: Repressive cannabis policies are expensive and have limited impact on consumption. Consumption legalization significantly reduces expenses for repression and law enforcement, allowing for the allocation of more resources to other targets such as education and prevention. With legalization of supply along with consumption, repression and law enforcement costs are reduced even further. Moreover, a legal market would create employment and generate tax revenues that could be allocated to the prevention of increased consumption. Legalizing cannabis would not lead to a sudden rise in consumption, providing the duty imposed by the state kept the product at its current price.

Cost-Effectiveness of School-Based Prevention of Cannabis Use.

BACKGROUND: Cannabis is the most frequently used illicit drug globally. Despite increasing evidence that cannabis use is associated with adverse health effects, the knowledge on preventative strategies is still limited. This study stemmed from a systematic review of effective prevention in which school-based programmes were identified as promising. The primary objective was to evaluate the cost effectiveness of Project ALERT (Adolescent, Learning, Experiences, Resistance, and Training), compared with ordinary ATOD (Alcohol, Tobacco, and Other Drug) education, among Swedish students in the eighth grade of compulsory school. METHODS: The cost-effectiveness analysis was performed from the societal perspective with quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) as an outcome (willingness-to-pay threshold €50,000) and follow-up periods from 1 year to a lifetime, considering a discounting rate of 3%, and with costs inflated to 2013 levels. A Markov model was constructed on the basis of the 'states' of single use, regular use, daily use and use of other illicit drugs, which were associated with 'complications' of psychosis, schizophrenia, traffic accidents, depression and amotivational syndrome. Health and cost consequences were linked to both states and complications. RESULTS: The programme was cost saving on the basis of evidence from the USA (ratio 1:1.1), and was cost effective (incremental cost-effectiveness ratio €22,384 per QALY) after reasonable adjustment for the Swedish context and with 20 years of follow-up. When the target group was restricted to boys who were neither studying nor working/doing work experience, the programme was cost effective after 9 years and cost saving (ratio 1:3.2) after 20 years. CONCLUSION: School-based prevention such as Project ALERT has the potential to be cost effective and to be cost saving if implemented in deprived areas. In the light of the shifting landscape regarding legalization of cannabis, it seems rational to continue the health economic analysis of prevention initiated here.

Further validation of a marijuana purchase task.

BACKGROUND: A valid measure of the relative economic value of marijuana is needed to characterize individual variation in the drug's reinforcing value and inform evolving national marijuana policy. Relative drug value (demand) can be measured via purchase tasks, and demand for alcohol and cigarettes has been associated with craving, dependence, and treatment response. This study examined marijuana demand with a marijuana purchase task (MPT). METHODS: The 22-item self-report MPT was administered to 99 frequent marijuana users (37.4% female, 71.5% marijuana use days, 15.2% cannabis dependent). RESULTS: Pearson correlations indicated a negative relationship between intensity (free consumption) and age of initiation of regular use (r=-0.34, p<0.001), and positive associations with use days (r=0.26, p<0.05) and subjective craving (r=0.43, p<0.001). Omax (maximum expenditure) was positively associated with use days (r=0.29, p<0.01) and subjective craving (r=0.27, p<0.01). Income was not associated with demand. An exponential demand model provided an excellent fit to the data across users (R(2)=0.99). Group comparisons based on presence or absence of DSM-IV cannabis dependence symptoms revealed that users with any dependence symptoms showed significantly higher intensity of demand and more inelastic demand, reflecting greater insensitivity to price increases. CONCLUSIONS: These results provide support for construct validity of the MPT, indicating its sensitivity to marijuana demand as a function of increasing cost, and its ability to differentiate between users with and without dependence symptoms. The MPT may denote abuse liability and is a valuable addition to the behavioral economic literature. Potential applications to marijuana pricing and tax policy are discussed.