How social organizations participate in social governance in China: Official media's attention distribution analysis (1949-2021).

The attitude of the Chinese government towards social organizations (SOs) is crucial, as it affects the management rule and development tendency of SOs. To research the rule of SOs' participation in social governance in China, this study used a new historical perspective, the institutional development perspective, to conduct its exploration. This perspective provides an accurate measure of the reality of the SOs' participation, as it involves a mixed research methodology using continuous data from 73 years of reports and content mining, as well as topic clustering analysis to reveal a macroscopic and multi-line picture. Using a co-word analysis of hundreds of reports, from 1949-2021, in the People's Daily, an official newspaper of the Communist Party of China, this study quantified changes in intensity, emotion, and content regarding social organization participation in social governance through topic distribution. Three trends were revealed: (1) "social-oriented character" and "organized-oriented character" were identified during the change in SOs; (2) the extent of being managed gradually strengthened and shifted from the Communist Youth League of China to the Community Party of China; (3) the goals of SOs shifted from general to innovated function in special charitable organizations. The institutional development perspective can complement the focus event perspective, including a new method, co-word analysis, to examine official Chinese media and validate the Administrative Absorption of Society (AAS) theory by identifying two lines of topic clustering trends. The attention distribution analysis in official media from an institutional development perspective can help explore the role of official media reports in analyzing the allocation of national attention and provide new analytical methods for big data mining to establish the social and organizational natures of SOs to optimize their roles. It offers a basis for modern social governance policy innovation in China.

Escola sem partido e conservadorismo moral: instrumentalização da religião, sexualidade e gênero / School without party and moral conservatism: the instrumentalization of religion, sexuality and gender / Escuela sin partido y conservadurismo moral: la instrumentalización de la religión, sexualidad y género

Este artigo tem por objetivo identificar e discutir alguns estratagemas psicológicos utilizados por movimentos conservadores e autoritários recentemente difundidos no Brasil - em especial, pelo Movimento Escola sem Partido -, em relação a temas como sexualidade e gênero, que atualmente foram incluídos como essenciais à formação escolar. Com esse propósito, empenhamo-nos em compreender a perspectiva cultural em que se apoiam e o modo como a articulam, ideologicamente, para inviabilizar o debate sobre eles. A partir da análise dos Projetos de Lei 246/2019 e 1859/2015, identificamos estratégias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitimam sua inclusão na formação escolar. Dentre elas, pareceu-nos urgente investigar a instrumentalização da religião, pois favorece a subordinação da crença religiosa, sobretudo associada ao conservadorismo moral imbricado na tradição cristã brasileira, ao discurso político autoritário. Assim como os movimentos fascistas que, nos Estados Unidos da década de 1930, reivindicavam um ordenamento autoritário e opressor da sociedade por meio do apelo a conteúdos religiosos instrumentalizados para esse fim, atualmente, o discurso religioso também é utilizado como forma de suscitar adesão ao conservadorismo social e político e de justificar preconceitos arraigados. Constatamos que a instrumentalização da religião é uma forma de justificar a permanência de valores conservadores na escola e na sociedade, bem como de reiterar o modelo de família heterossexual monogâmica e a ordem patriarcal. Por meio de estratagemas como esses, os movimentos conservadores e autoritários, articulados em função da negação da diversidade sexual e de gênero, impedem que a escola se constitua como espaço democrático e diverso.(AU)

This paper identifies and discusses the psychological ploys employed by recent conservative and authoritarian movements in Brazil, particularly the School without Party movement, against topics like sexuality and gender, which are currently included as essential to school education. To do so, we sought to understand their cultural basis and how they are ideologically articulated to prevent school debate around these topics. By analyzing Bills 246/2019 and 1859/2015, we identified some conservative strategies that authoritatively delegitimize their inclusion in school education. Chief among them is the instrumentalization of religion, since it favors subordinating religious belief, mainly associated with traditional Christian moral conservatism, to authoritarian political discourse. Similar to the fascist movements in the 1930s United States that claimed an authoritarian and oppressive ordering of society by appealing to religious content, religious speech is currently instrumentalized to encourage social and political conservatism adherence and to justify deep-seated prejudices. Religion instrumentalization is used to justify upholding conservative values at school and in society, as well as to reiterate the monogamous heterosexual family model and patriarchy. Through such ploys, authoritarian and conservative movements, articulated around denying sexual and gender diversity, prevent the school from becoming a democratic and diverse environment.(AU)

Este artículo tiene por objetivo identificar y discutir algunas de las estratagemas psicológicas que utilizan los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, difundidas recientemente en Brasil, en particular por el Movimiento Escuela sin Partido, con relación a temas como sexualidad y género, que actualmente se incluyeron en la formación escolar. Con este propósito, se pretende comprender la base cultural en la que se han apoyado y cómo la articulan ideológicamente para hacer inviable el debate sobre ellas. A partir de análisis de los Proyectos de Ley 246/2019 y 1859/2015, se identificaron estrategias conservadoras que, autoritariamente, deslegitiman la inclusión de estos temas en la formación escolar. Entre ellas, parece urgente analizar la instrumentalización de la religión, porque favorece la subordinación de la creencia religiosa al discurso político autoritario, sobre todo asociada al conservadurismo moral presente en las vertientes del cristianismo brasileño. Al igual que los movimientos fascistas en los Estados Unidos en los años 1930 que reivindicaban una planificación autoritaria de la sociedad mediante un llamado a contenidos religiosos instrumentalizados, actualmente se utiliza el discurso religioso como forma de promover la adhesión al conservadurismo social y político y de justificar los prejuicios. Se constata que la instrumentalización de la religión es un modo de justificar la permanencia de valores conservadores en la escuela, así como de confirmar el modelo de familia heterosexual monógama y el orden patriarcal. Estos estratagemas que son utilizados por los movimientos conservadores y autoritarios, articulados en función de la negación de la diversidad sexual y de género, impiden que la escuela sea democrática y diversa.(AU)

Ideologia, confiança institucional e representações sociais de universitários sobre o cenário político brasileiro de 2016-2017 / Ideology, institutional trust, and social representation of university students about the brazilian political scenery from 2016-2017 / Ideología, confianza institucional y representaciones sociales de universitarios sobre el escenario político brasileño de 2016-2017

O objetivo deste estudo foi testar um modelo teórico-explicativo para as representações sociais sobre o cenário sociopolítico brasileiro de 2017, de acordo com as seguintes relações: as representações seriam influenciadas diretamente pela confiança nas instituições, e essa confiança, determinada pelas simpatias ideológicas. Participaram 164 estudantes universitários - cuja idade média era 24 anos - que responderam a escalas intervalares. Realizaram-se modelagens de equações estruturais para testar o modelo teórico proposto. Os resultados indicaram: adequabilidade do modelo; dois grupos de variáveis apresentando relações positivas entre as variáveis do mesmo grupo e negativas na comparação intergrupos. No primeiro grupo constaram as variáveis: ideias-força de esquerda, confiança nos movimentos sociais, avaliação do governo Dilma e avaliação das políticas de esquerda; no segundo: ideias-força de direita, confiança nas instituições de controle, confiança na mídia, avaliação do governo Temer e avaliação das políticas de esquerda. Concluiu-se que a confiança institucional e a simpatia ideológica ancoravam as representações sociais do cenário brasileiro na população universitária estudada.(AU)

The aim of this study was to test an explanatory theoretical model about the social representations about Brazilian social-political scenario in 2017, based on the following relations: representations were directly influenced by the trust in institutions, and this trust, determined by ideological sympathies. A sample of 164 college students - whose average age was 24 years - answered interval scales. We performed structural equation modeling to test the proposed model. The results indicated: the suitability of the model; two groups of variables presenting positive relations in the in-group comparison and negative relations in the comparisons between groups. The first group showed the variables: Leftist ideas-forces, trust in social movements, evaluation of Dilma's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies; the second: Rightist ideas-forces, trust in control institutions, trust in the media, evaluation of Temer's administration, and evaluation of Leftist policies. In conclusion, the institutional trust and ideological sympathies anchored the social representations of the Brazilian scenery for the studied university population.(AU)

Este estudio tuvo como objetivo probar un modelo teórico explicativo de las representaciones sociales en el escenario sociopolítico brasileño de 2017 según las siguientes relaciones: las representaciones estarían directamente influenciadas por la confianza en las instituciones, y esta confianza, determinada por las simpatías ideológicas. Participaron en este estudio 164 estudiantes universitarios, con edad media de 24 años, quienes respondieron a escalas intervalares. Se llevaron a cabo modelos de ecuaciones estructurales para probar el modelo teórico propuesto. Los resultados indicaron: adecuación del modelo; dos grupos de variables que presentaban relaciones positivas entre las variables del mismo grupo y negativas en la comparación intergrupal. El primer grupo incluía las variables: ideas-fuerza de la izquierda, confianza en los movimientos sociales, evaluación del gobierno de Dilma y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda; el segundo: ideas-fuerza de la derecha, confianza en las instituciones de control, confianza en los medios de comunicación, evaluación del gobierno Temer y evaluación de las políticas de la izquierda. Se concluyó que la confianza institucional y la simpatía ideológica funcionaron como fundamentos de las representaciones sociales del escenario político brasileño en la población universitaria estudiada.(AU)

Psicologia e Compromisso Social: junção importante, problematização necessária e atual / Psychology and Social Commitment: important unity, required and current problematization / Psychologie et engagement social: unification important, problématisation nécessaire et actuelle / Psicología y Compromiso Social: importante fusión, problematización necesaria y actual

Resumo O artigo tem como objetivo debater o Projeto de "Compromisso Social" da Psicologia (PCSP) brasileira mediante a atual conjuntura. O PCSP advém do processo de lutas históricas da Psicologia a partir dos anos 1970, o que também ocorreu em outras áreas, almejando um saber comprometido com a realidade brasileira e latino-americana, e com sua transformação social. Tais pressupostos exigiram um movimento teórico-político com novas bases metodológicas e ontológicas. Dessa forma, buscamos discorrer sobre algumas de suas limitações e potencialidades: primeiramente, há uma apresentação e contextualização histórica do PCSP para, posteriormente, ser debatido seu atrelamento ao âmbito das políticas sociais. Ancorados na presente conjuntura, de intensificação da barbárie, concluímos sinalizando a necessidade não apenas um compromisso, mas um projeto ético-político de Psicologia vinculado a outro projeto societário.

Abstract The article aims to discuss the "Social Commitment" Project of Brazilian Psychology (PCSP) in the current conjuncture. The PCSP comes from the process of historical battles of Psychology in the 1970s, which also occurred in other areas, aiming for a knowledge committed to Brazilian and Latin American reality, and with its social transformation. Such assumptions demanded a theoretical-political movement with new methodological and ontological bases. Thus, we aim to discuss some of its limitations and potentialities: first, there is a historical presentation and contextualization of the PCSP and, later, a debate about its linkage to the scope of social policies. Anchored in the present situation, of intensifying barbarism, we conclude by signaling the need not only for a social commitment, but for an ethical-political project in Psychology that is oriented and contributes to another societal project

Résumé L'article vise à discuter le Projet « d'Engagement Social ¼ de la Psychologie brésilienne (PCSP) dans la conjoncture actuelle. Le PCSP vient du processus de luttes historiques de la psychologie des années 1970, ce qui a également eu lieu dans d'autres domaines, en visant une connaissance engagée dans la réalité brésilienne et latino-américaine et dans sa transformation sociale. Ces hypothèses ont exigé un mouvement théorique-politique avec de nouvelles bases méthodologiques et ontologiques. Ainsi, nous visons à discuter sur quelques de ses limitations et potentialités: premièrement, il y a une présentation historique et une contextualisation du PCSP et, plus tard, un débat sur son lien avec la portée des politiques sociales. Ancrés dans la conjoncture actuelle de l'intensification de la barbarie, nous concluons en signalant la nécessité non seulement d'un engagement social, mais d'un projet éthico-politique en Psychologie qui s'oriente et contribue à un autre projet de société.

Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo debatir el Proyecto de "Compromiso Social" de la Psicología (PCSP) brasileña en el contexto actual. El PCSP proviene del proceso de luchas históricas de la Psicología a partir de los años 1970, lo que también ocurrió en otras áreas, anhelando un saber comprometido con la realidad brasileña y latinoamericana, y con su transformación social. Estos supuestos exigieron un movimiento teórico-político con nuevas bases metodológicas y ontológicas. De esta forma, pretendemos discurrir sobre algunas de sus limitaciones y potencialidades: primero, hay una presentación y contextualización histórica del PCSP para, posteriormente, debatir sobre su vinculación al ámbito de las políticas sociales. Anclados en la situación actual, de barbarie cada vez más intensa, concluimos que es necesario no solo un compromiso, sino un proyecto ético-político en Psicología que se oriente y contribuya a otro proyecto social.

[Health management in the Southwest District from 1950 to 1952].

A sequence of essential measures were taken by the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the government in the Southwest District, to rebuild social rules, carry out social changes and improve the local health situation in the beginning period of the New China. These measures referred to the construction of an administrative organization system, the recovery and rectification of medical and pharmaceutical administration, the training of health professionals, environmental pollution improvement and disease prevention and publicising medical and health knowledge. These measures not only improved health management but also promoted national unity and political identity. As a result, they helped solve the problems left by the local new democratic government and made social changes and consolidated the new national power.

A alienação em Marx / Alienation in Marx

A alienação é uma categoria extremamente complexa, de difícil entendimento, principalmente quando estudada a partir de certas obras de Marx, como os Manuscritos Econômicos-filosóficos de 1844, fragmentado e incompleto. Embora tal noção não tenha sido criada no bojo da teoria marxiana, é nessa vertente que ela adquire um entendimento mais alinhado à realidade social, com raízes no plano econômico. Nos valendo de uma revisão de literatura centrada no tema, esse artigo objetiva uma aproximação ao termo, uma contribuição ao seu entendimento, cujos determinantes que lhe emoldura encontram seu nexo de objetividade sob as configurações estruturais da sociedade burguesa, dominada pelo capital

Alienation is an extremely complex category, difficult to understand, especially when studied from certain works of Marx, such as the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, fragmented and incomplete. Although thisnotion was not created in the midst of Marxian theory, it is in this aspect that itacquires an understanding more aligned with social reality, with roots in the economic sphere. Using a literature review centered on the theme, this article aimsto approach the term, a contribution to its understanding, whose determinantsthat frame it find their nexus of objectivity under the structural configurations ofbourgeois society, dominated by capital

Política Nacional de Atenção Integral à Saúde do Adolescente em Conflito com a Lei (PNAISARI) no Estado do Rio de Janeiro: um estudo exploratório das contribuições da economia política marxista na compreensão do Estado e das políticas de saúde no século XXI / National Policy for Comprehensive Health Care for Adolescents in Conflict with the Law in the State of Rio de Janeiro: an exploratory study of the contributions of Marxist Political Economy to the understanding of the State and health policies in the 21st century

O estudo buscou explorar o papel do Estado na condução Política Nacional de Atenção Integral à Saúde do Adolescente em Conflito com a Lei - PNAISARI no Estado do Rio de Janeiro a partir das contribuições da Economia Política Marxista. Argumenta-se que o Estado é um espaço relacional, complexo e contraditório permeado pela disputa de visões sociais de mundo e que a implementação de políticas públicas, incluindo as políticas de saúde, ocorrem em torno do conflito distributivo. No estudo de caso da PNAISARI foi evidenciado que a publicação das portarias 1.082 e 1.083 levou a indução da descentralização da política aos municípios contribuindo no reconhecimento do direito à saúde dos adolescentes em atendimento socioeducativa e na responsabilidade sanitária do município perante as unidades socioeducativas reforçando o princípio da incompletude institucional previsto no SINASE. O processo de descentralização da política aos municípios foi caracterizado pela baixa participação da Secretaria Estadual de Saúde levando a pactuações interfederativas frágeis e com baixa interlocução entre os gestores da saúde e do socioeducativo na corresponsabilização pela saúde dos adolescentes. Neste cenário, ainda persistem os problemas estruturais do SUS que dificultam ou mesmo impossibilitam a atenção integral à saúde desta população. Desta forma, concluísse que consolidar o direito à saúde dos adolescentes envolve considerar a determinação social da saúde que condiciona a vida e a saúde dos adolescentes e de suas familias. E, ainda, necessariamente o enfrentamento a ideologia neoliberal que impossibilita a conformação de um modelo de proteção social no Brasil.

The present study explored of the State in steering the National Policy on Comprehensive Health Care of Adolescents in Conflict with the Law (PNAISARI) in the State of Rio de Janeiro the contributions of the Marxist Political Economy. It discusses that the State is a relational, complex, and contradictory permeated by the dispute of different ideological views and that the development of public policies, including health policies, happens in the context of a distributive conflict. In the case study of the PNAISARI, it became evident that the publication of resolutions 1.082 e 1.083 leaded to the decentralization to municipalities contributing in the acknowledgement of the right to health of the adolescents under socio-educational measures and in the sanitary responsibility of the municipalities. The decentralization process of the health system to the municipalities was characterized by a low commitment of the State Secretary of Health leading to fragile negotiations and little dialog between health and socio-educational public managers in the commitment to adolescent´s health. In this context, the structural problems of the SUS that limits the possibilities of comprehensive and universal care. As conclusions, the dissertation reaffirms that the right to health of adolescents includes confronting the social determinants of health that deeply influence their lives and health, fighting against the neoliberal ideology that impedes the development of universal social protection in Brazil.

Artificial Intelligence inspired methods for the allocation of common goods and services.

The debate over the optimal way of allocating societal surplus (i.e. products and services) has been raging, in one form or another, practically forever; following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the market has taken the lead vs the public sector to do this. Working within the tradition of Marx, Leontief, Beer and Cockshott, we propose what we deem an automated planning system that aims to operate on unit level (e.g., factories and citizens), rather than on aggregate demand and sectors. We explain why it is both a viable and desirable alternative to current market conditions and position our solution within current societal structures. Our experiments show that it would be trivial to plan for up to 50K industrial goods and 5K final goods in commodity hardware. Our approach bridges the gap between traditional planning methods and modern AI planning, opening up venues for further research.

The Political Determinants of China'S New Health Constitution.

The Basic Healthcare and Health Promotion Law 2019 became the new constitution of China's health system in June 2020, giving legal effect to ambitious health reform programmes like Healthy China 2030. The concurrent outbreak of coronavirus disease 2019 must not distract us from appreciating the fact that this Law will comprehensively overhaul the health regulatory framework of the world's most populous country during the coming decade, if not beyond. This article offers an original evaluation of the Law in its political context. The Law commendably promises to safeguard the right to health, assist citizens to live a 'complete cycle of life', and promote health using the resources of the public health system. However, it is also deeply politicised, guaranteeing extensive and penetrative political control in health campaigns, digitalised health data, the governance of health institutions, and the resolution of medical disputes. This can be explained by the consequential roles played by epidemics in China's historical dynastic cycles, but even more so by powerful tendencies of centralisation on the part of the Leninist Party-state. The Law's potential is thus subject to the overriding caveat that the Party-state's existence and influence over law and public health must be secured.

Neoliberal economics, planetary health, and the COVID-19 pandemic: a Marxist ecofeminist analysis.

Planetary health sees neoliberal capitalism as a key mediator of socioecological crises, a position that is echoed in much COVID-19 commentary. In this Personal View, I set out an economic theory that emphasises some of the ways in which neoliberal capitalism's conceptualisation of value has mediated responses to COVID-19. Using the intersection of ecological, feminist, and Marxist economics, I develop an analysis of neoliberal capitalism as a specific historical form of the economy. I identify the accumulation of exchange value as a central tendency of neoliberal capitalism and argue that this tendency creates barriers to the production of other forms of value. I then analyse the implications of this tendency in the context of responses to COVID-19. I argue that resources and labour flow to the production of exchange value, at the expense of production of other value forms. Consequently, the global capitalist economy has unprecedented productive capacity but uses little of this capacity to create the conditions that improve and maintain people's health. To be more resilient to coming crises, academics, policy makers, and activists should do theoretical work that enables global economies to recognise multiple forms of value and political work that embeds these theories in societal institutions.

Karl Marx, força de trabalho e trabalho abstrato: mediações teóricas e políticas / Karl Marx, labour power and abstract work: theoretical and political mediations

A formação do pensamento de Karl Marx passou por momentos distintos e teve influências diversas. Dentre elas, destacam-se as chamadas "três fontes": a filosofia alemã, a economia política inglesa e a perspectiva revolucionária. No caso da economia política, é possível visualizar três períodos centrais que demarcam diferenças importantes da relação de Marx com essa ciência: até 1844, entre 1845 e 1849, e a partir de 1857. Se, no trânsito desses períodos se destacam algumas categorias importantes, as formas de tratamento dados às categorias força de trabalho e trabalho abstrato anunciam importantes mediações teóricas e políticas.

The formation of Karl Marx ́s thought went through different moments and had different influences. Among these, the so-called "three sources" stand out: German philosophy, English political economy and the revolutionary pers-pective. In the case of political economy, it is possible to visualize three central periods that demarcate important differences in Marx ́s relationship with this science: up to 1844, between 1845 and 1849, and after 1857. If, during the transit of these periods, some important categories stand out, the forms of treatment given to the categories of labour power and abstract labour announce important theoretical and political mediations

Stereotypes as Historical Accidents: Images of Social Class in Postcommunist Versus Capitalist Societies.

Stereotypes are ideological and justify the existing social structure. Although stereotypes persist, they can change when the context changes. Communism's rise in Eastern Europe and Asia in the 20th century provides a natural experiment examining social-structural effects on social class stereotypes. Nine samples from postcommunist countries (N = 2,241), compared with 38 capitalist countries (N = 4,344), support the historical, sociocultural rootedness of stereotypes. More positive stereotypes of the working class appear in postcommunist countries, both compared with other social groups in the country and compared with working-class stereotypes in capitalist countries; postcommunist countries also show more negative stereotypes of the upper class. We further explore whether communism's ideological legacy reflects how societies infer groups' stereotypic competence and warmth from structural status and competition. Postcommunist societies show weaker status-competence relations and stronger (negative) competition-warmth relations; respectively, the lower meritocratic beliefs and higher priority of embeddedness as ideological legacies may shape these relationships.

The logic of basic education provision and public goods preferences in Chinese fiscal federalism.

Without election or re-election motivations, what factors have impacted public goods preferences in an authoritarian country such as China? More specifically, what makes political elites be devoted to or not be devoted to local public goods provision? This study, using basic education provision as an example, intends to gauge the impact of leadership selection on public goods provision in China. It is found that career trajectories of politicians have a bearing on basic education provision. The findings suggest that even under a top-down appointment system, homegrown politicians are more willing to cater to local preferences, especially on basic education provision, which suggests an extension of Riker's theory, applied in a non-democratic regime. Numerous studies have examined the impacts of decentralization on a variety of aspects of public governance in different contexts. Nevertheless, the unique contribution of this study is its policy implication that political centralization may not be an effective solution for local public governance even in an authoritarian context.

Crise e enfermagem na atenção primária: notas da prática social pelo materialismo histórico dialético / Crisis and nursing in primary care: notes of social practice by dialectical historical materialism / Crisis y enfermería en la atención primaria: notas de la práctica social por el materialismo histórico dialéctico

Objetivo: promover reflexão acerca da conjuntura de crise econômica e política recente e sua relação com as mudanças no trabalho da enfermagem na atenção primária de saúde (APS). Conteúdo: a discussão é norteada pelo resgate de duas obras pioneiras na análise da profissionalização da categoria na teoria marxista; a crise do capitalismo e o papel do Estado pelo olhar do materialismo histórico dialético. Ressalta-se o avanço do neoliberalismo com reflexos no desmonte dos direitos sociais, na política de saúde e no trabalho da enfermagem na APS. Conclusão: considerando a dinâmica da crise, sua repercussão no Estado e no financiamento da saúde pública, é necessário refletir sobre a prática social da enfermagem que desejamos para conquistar o direito universal à saúde, fortalecer o Sistema Único de Saúde e valorizar a profissão.

Objective: to promote reflection on the recent economic and political crisis and its relationship with changes in nursing work in primary health care (PHC). Content: the discussion is guided by the rescue of two pioneering works in the analysis of the professionalization of nursing under Marxist theory; the crisis of capitalism and the role of the state from the perspective of dialectical historical materialism. We highlight the advance of neoliberalism with consequences on the dismantling of social rights, in the health policy and on the nursing work in PHC. Conclusion: considering the dynamics of the crisis, its impact on the State and public health financing, it is necessary to reflect on the social nursing practice that we want inn order to achieve the universal right to health, strengthen the Unified Health System and value the profession.

Objetivo: promover la reflexión sobre la actual crisis económica y política y su relación con los cambios en el trabajo de enfermería en atención primaria de salud (APS). Contenido: la discusión se guía por el rescate de dos trabajos pioneros en el análisis de la profesionalización de la enfermería en la teoría marxista; la crisis del capitalismo y el papel del Estado desde la perspectiva del materialismo histórico dialéctico. Destacamos el avance del neoliberalismo con consecuencias en el desmantelamiento de los derechos sociales, en la política de salud y en el trabajo de enfermería en APS. Conclusión: considerando la dinámica de la crisis, su impacto en el estado y el financiamiento de la salud pública, es necesario reflexionar sobre la práctica social de enfermería de que queremos lograr el derecho universal a la salud, fortalecer el Sistema Único de Salud y valorar la profesión.

The long-term impact of the Communist Revolution on social stratification in contemporary China.

The Chinese Communist Revolution that culminated in the 1949 founding of the People's Republic of China fundamentally transformed class relations in China. With data from a nationally representative, longitudinal survey between 2010 and 2016, this study documents the long-term impact of the Communist Revolution on the social stratification order in today's China, more than 6 decades after the revolution. True to its stated ideological missions, the revolution resulted in promoting the social status of children of the peasant, worker, and revolutionary cadre classes and disadvantaging those who were from privileged classes at the time of the revolution. Although there was a tendency toward "reversion" mitigating the revolution's effects in the third generation toward the grandparents' generation in social status, the overall impact of reversion was small. The revolution effects were most pronounced for the birth cohorts immediately following the revolution, attenuating for recently born cohorts.

Why nurses should be Marxists.

The argument that nurses should be Marxists is made by looking at the primary areas of nursing activity in turn, giving an example of how capitalist economic relations negatively impact upon that activity, and providing a Marxist explanation of the reasons why it has that impact. In relation to the nursing activity of health promotion, it is argued that capitalism's generation of social inequality undermines the health of the population. In relation to curative activities, the focus is on how capitalism's reckless pursuit of profit has subverted the sustainability of bactericidal interventions. The argument in relation to comforting and assistive care is that the ownership and control of health services by capitalist corporations undermines therapeutic relationships. Finally, in relation to supportive care, it is contended that capitalism's requirement for a disciplined workforce can compromise healthcare professionals' support of employees. It is concluded that if nurses aspire to have some control over their activities, then it is a good idea for them to avail of Marxism's capacity to identify the socio-economic mechanisms by which capitalism affects nursing care.

Conflitos de classes, defesa de direitos e serviço social / Class conflicts, defense of rights and social work

A partir de pressupostos marxianos e marxistas, em particular, das contribuições de György Lukács sobre o direito como ideologia, procura-se, aqui, instigar a reflexão sobre os desafios teóricos e práticos do serviço social no tempo presente, para que a profissão não veja seu projeto ético-político capitular em face da intensificação da ofensiva do capital sobre o trabalho. No presente artigo são abordadas, essencialmente, as contradições do trabalho do assistente social na defesa e ampliação dos direitos em face da lógica própria da sociabilidade burguesa. São situados os desafios impostos pelos limites dessa sociabilidade que exigem, para o seu enfrentamento, a compreensão da teoria social crítica, haja vista seu potencial de subsidiar o trabalho profissional em consonância com os valores e princípios constantes do projeto supracitado.

Based on Marxian and Marxist assumptions, in particular, the contributions of György Lukács to the law as ideology, we try to elicit reflection on the current theoretical and practical challenges to social service to prevent the profession from seeing its ethico-political project capitulate in view of the intensification of the capital offensive against labor. In this paper, the contradictions of the social worker's work in defending and extending rights vis-a-vis the own logic of bourgeois sociability are discussed. We address the challenges imposed by the limits of such sociability, which require, to be faced, an understanding of critical social theory, given its potential to contribute to professional work in line with the values and principles of the aforementioned project.

Nova Previdência: o austericídio neoliberal sob a ótica da teoria marxista da dependência / New Social Security: neoliberal austerity under the perspective of Marxist dependence theory

O presente artigo propõe uma retomada às raízes da Teoria Marxista da Dependência (TMD) como vertentes do pensamento marxista dedicadas a contribuir para explicar o processo do desenvolvimento capitalista em economias dependentes, em especial, na América Latina. Valendo-se do método dialético e das categorias econômicas desenvolvidas em O Capital, Rui Mauro Marini, junto a outros autores, fundam um arcabouço teórico-explicativo para a realidade das economias periféricas, sem cair em um revisionismo simplificador. Portanto, com o intuito de aprofundar essa reflexão, apresentam-se neste trabalho, os principais conceitos da Teoria Marxista da Dependência como particularidades da reprodução do capital na América Latina. Posteriormente, utilizamos esses fundamentos interpretativos para esclarecer o austericídio verificado no Brasil hoje, no sentido de legitimar a contemporaneidade da TMD e o seu potente vetor interpretativo e transformador em tempos de crise estrutural do capital, examinando um conjunto de contrarreformas em andamento e a serem implementadas, a saber: o Novo Regime Fiscal, a Reforma Trabalhista e a "Nova Previdência".

This article proposes to take up the roots of Marxist Theory of Dependence as a part of Marxist thought dedicated to explaining the process of capitalist development in dependent economies, especially in Latin America. Using the dialectical method and the economic categories developed in Capital, Rui Mauro Marini, along with other authors, found a theoretical framework that explains the reality of peripheral economies, without falling into a simplistic revisionism. In order to deepen the reflection, this paper presents the main concepts of the Marxist Theory of Dependence as particularities of the reproduction of capital in Latin America. Later we will use these interpretative foundations to clarify the current austerity in Brazil, examining the set of counter-reforms in progress and to be implemented: New Fiscal Regime, Labor Reform and the "New Social Security" in order to legitimize the contemporaneousness of TMD and its powerful vector interpretive and transformative in times of structural crisis of capital.

Lacan com Marx em Wall Street, um dia antes do fim: uma análise de Margin Call a partir do encontro da teoria dos discursos lacaniana e da crítica da economia política marxiana / Lacan with Marx in Wall Street, a day before the end: an analysis on Margin Call from the confluence of the Lacanian theory of speeches and the Marxian critique of political economy

A partir da teoria dos discursos de Jacques Lacan, em diálogo com a teoria do valor de Karl Marx, o texto analisa o filme Margin Call, que retrata ficcionalmente o desencadeamento da atual crise capitalista, com a quebra do banco Lehman Brothers, em 2008. Dentre as questões que o texto coloca, além do papel do discurso da ciência na sociedade atual, destaca-se a persistência do discurso capitalista.

From the theory of the speech of Jacques Lacan, in dialog with Karl Marx´s theory of value, the text analyses the film Margin Call, which fictionally portraits the unchaining of current capitalist crisis, with the bankruptcy of the Lehman Brothers bank, in 2008. Amongst the issues posed by the text, besides the role of the discourse of the science in the current society, the persistence of the capitalist speech is to be evidenced.

The former Iron Curtain still drives biodiversity-profit trade-offs in German agriculture.

Agricultural intensification drives biodiversity loss and shapes farmers' profit, but the role of legacy effects and detailed quantification of ecological-economic trade-offs are largely unknown. In Europe during the 1950s, the Eastern communist bloc switched to large-scale farming by forced collectivization of small farms, while the West kept small-scale private farming. Here we show that large-scale agriculture in East Germany reduced biodiversity, which has been maintained in West Germany due to >70% longer field edges than those in the East. In contrast, profit per farmland area in the East was 50% higher than that in the West, despite similar yield levels. In both regions, switching from conventional to organic farming increased biodiversity and halved yield levels, but doubled farmers' profits. In conclusion, European Union policy should acknowledge the surprisingly high biodiversity benefits of small-scale agriculture, which are on a par with conversion to organic agriculture.