Do unions contribute to creative destruction?

We apply a shift-share approach and historical unionisation data from 1918 to study the impact of regional unionisation changes in Norway on regional wage and productivity growth, job-creation and -destruction and social security uptake during the period 2003-2012. As unionisation increases, wages grow. Lay-offs through plant closures and shrinking workplaces increase, causing higher retirement rates, while job creation, plant entry and other social security uptakes are unaffected. Productivity grows, partly by enhanced productivity among surviving and new firms and partly by less productive firms forced to close due to increased labour costs. Thus, unions promote creative destruction.

Universal health coverage as a global public health goal: the work of the International Labour Organisation, c.1925-2018.

We examine the efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to extend medical care under social security, through international conventions, advocacy and technical assistance. We consider the challenges faced by the ILO in advancing global health coverage through its labourist, social security model. The narrative begins in the interwar period, with the early conventions on sickness insurance, then discusses the rights-based universalistic vision expressed in the Philadelphia Declaration (1944). We characterize the ILO's postwar research and technical assistance as "progressive gradualism" then show how from the late-1970s the ILO became increasingly marginalized, though it retained an advisory role within the now dominant "co-operative pluralistic" model.

Universal health coverage as a global public health goal: the work of the International Labour Organisation, c. 1925-2018 / Cobertura universal como meta global de saúde pública: o trabalho da Organização Internacional do Trabalho, c. 1925-2018

Abstract We examine the efforts of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) to extend medical care under social security, through international conventions, advocacy and technical assistance. We consider the challenges faced by the ILO in advancing global health coverage through its labourist, social security model. The narrative begins in the interwar period, with the early conventions on sickness insurance, then discusses the rights-based universalistic vision expressed in the Philadelphia Declaration (1944). We characterize the ILO's postwar research and technical assistance as "progressive gradualism" then show how from the late-1970s the ILO became increasingly marginalized, though it retained an advisory role within the now dominant "co-operative pluralistic" model.

Resumo Analisamos os esforços da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) em ampliar o cuidado médico sob seguridade social, via convenções, amparo e assistência técnica internacionais. Consideramos os desafios da OIT no desenvolvimento da cobertura global de saúde por meio do modelo trabalhista e de seguridade social. A narrativa inicia no período entreguerras, com as primeiras convenções sobre seguro saúde, depois discute a visão universalista baseada em direitos da Declaração da Filadélfia (1944). Classificamos a pesquisa e a assistência da OIT no pós-guerra como "gradualismo progressivo" e mostramos como, a partir do final da década de 1970, a OIT foi marginalizada, embora mantivesse um papel de conselheira dentro do atual modelo "pluralista cooperativo" dominante.

Discursive archaeology: constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations.

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations. METHOD: Historical research, based on the oral history method, with a qualitative approach carried out with 11 nurses who are/were militants for professional issues since the 1980s in the state of Bahia. The data collected through semi-structured interviews were organized in the software n-vivo 10 and analyzed based on dialectical hermeneutics. RESULTS: We identified pedagogical, administrative, public health, sociological, and trade union background knowledge as constituent of militant individuals. Final considerations: The constituting knowledge of militant nurses are inscribed in the Social Sciences, distanced from biomedical knowledge and power, pointing at ways for structuring nursing curricula. We identified the Brazilian Association of Nursing as a space for political formation.

Discursive archaeology: constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations / Arqueología del discurso: los saberes constitutivos de enfermeras militantes en entidades de clase / Arqueologia discursiva: os saberes constitutivos de enfermeiras militantes em entidades de classe

ABSTRACT Objective: To analyze the constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations. Method: Historical research, based on the oral history method, with a qualitative approach carried out with 11 nurses who are/were militants for professional issues since the 1980s in the state of Bahia. The data collected through semi-structured interviews were organized in the software n-vivo 10 and analyzed based on dialectical hermeneutics. Results: We identified pedagogical, administrative, public health, sociological, and trade union background knowledge as constituent of militant individuals. Final considerations: The constituting knowledge of militant nurses are inscribed in the Social Sciences, distanced from biomedical knowledge and power, pointing at ways for structuring nursing curricula. We identified the Brazilian Association of Nursing as a space for political formation.

RESUMEN Objetivo: Analizar los saberes constitutivos de enfermeras militantes en entidades de clase. Método: Investigación histórica, basada en el método de historia oral, de enfoque cualitativo realizada con 11 enfermeras que militaron o militan por las cuestiones profesionales desde la década de 1980 en el estado de Bahía. Los datos recogidos mediante entrevistas semiestructuradas se organizaron en el programa informático n-vivo 10 y se analizaron con base en la hermenéutica dialéctica. Resultados: Se identificaron los saberes pedagógicos, administrativos, de salud colectiva, sociológicos y de formación sindical como saberes constitutivos de sujetos militantes. Consideraciones finales: Los saberes constitutivos de enfermeras militantes están inscritos en las Ciencias Sociales, alejados del saber y del poder biomédico, señalando caminos para la estructuración de los currículos de enfermería. Se identificó a la Asociación Brasileña de Enfermería como un espacio de formación política.

RESUMO Objetivo: Analisar os saberes constitutivos de enfermeiras militantes em entidades de classe. Método: Pesquisa histórica, baseada no método de história oral, de abordagem qualitativa realizada com 11 enfermeiras que militaram/militam pelas questões profissionais desde a década de 1980 no estado da Bahia. Os dados coletados por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas foram organizados no software n-vivo 10 e analisados com base na hermenêutica dialética. Resultados: Identificados os saberes pedagógico, administrativo, saúde coletiva, sociológico e de formação sindical como saberes constitutivos de sujeitos militantes. Considerações finais: Os saberes constitutivos de enfermeiras militantes estão inscritos nas Ciências Sociais, distanciados do saber e do poder biomédico, apontando caminhos para estruturação dos currículos de enfermagem. Identificou-se a Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem como um espaço de formação política.

The Rise and Fall of "Universal Health Coverage" as a Goal of International Health Politics, 1925-1952.

The UN Sustainable Development Goals of 2015 have restored universal health coverage (UHC) to prominence in the international health agenda. Can understanding the past illuminate the prospects for UHC in the present? This article traces an earlier history of UHC as an objective of international health politics. Its focus is the efforts of the International Labor Organization (ILO), whose Philadelphia Declaration (1944) announced the goal of universal social security, including medical coverage and care. After World War II, the ILO attempted to enshrine this in an international convention, which nation states would ratify. However, by 1952 these efforts had failed, and the final convention was so diluted that universalism was unobtainable. Our analysis first explains the consolidation of ideas about social security and health care, tracing transnational policy linkages among experts whose world view transcended narrow loyalties. We then show how UHC goals became marginalized, through the opposition of employers and organized medicine, and of certain nation states, both rich and poor. We conclude with reflections on how these findings might help us in thinking about the challenges of advancing UHC today.

Miners, silica and disability: The bi-national interplay between South Africa and the United Kingdom, c1900-1930s.

This paper investigates silicosis as a disabling disease in underground mining in the United Kingdom (UK) before Second World War, exploring the important connections between South Africa and the UK and examining some of the issues raised at the 1930 International Labour Office Conference on silicosis in Johannesburg in a British context. The evidence suggests there were significant paradoxes and much contestation in medical knowledge creation, advocacy, and policy-making relating to this occupational disease. It is argued here that whilst there was an international exchange of scientific knowledge on silicosis in the early decades of the twentieth century, it was insufficient to challenge the traditional defense adopted by the British government of proven beyond all scientific doubt before effective intervention in coal mining. This circumspect approach reflected dominant business interests and despite relatively robust trade union campaigning and eventual reform, the outcome was an accumulative legacy of respiratory disease and disability that blighted coalfield communities.

[Historical and social perspective from the 64-65 Mexican medical movement]. / Perspectiva histórica y social del Movimiento Médico de 1964-1965 en México.

The Mexican Medical Movement from 1964-1965 constitutes an important event from the rising urban middle-class, besides it was the first time medical doctors claimed for fair working conditions. The background of this movement is the so-called Crisis of 1958, which included the Movements from the educators union, oil workers union, telegraph workers union and the railroad workers union. The conflict began because interns and residents from the "Hospital 20 de Noviembre" would not get a payment at the end of the year, so on November 26th, 1964, the movement started. The Asociación Mexicana de Médicos Residentes e Internos (AMMRI) was created and their demands were the following: 1) Full working site restitution without retaliations, 2) Legal examination of the scholarship-contract terms, in order to get annual, renewable and progressive contracts, and a fixed salary with the usual working-hours and characteristics of each institution, 3) To have preference to get an adscription at the hospital where the resident studied, 4) Active participation from the resident in the elaboration of the academic plans, and 5) Resolution of each hospital's problems. This movement had social impact for Mexico's contemporary life, nevertheless some of the demands are still unchanged among medical residents.

El movimiento médico mexicano de 1964-1965 constituyó parte del primer despertar de la clase media urbana, además de haber sido la primera vez que los médicos reclamaron condiciones de trabajo justas. Como antecedente se tiene la llamada crisis de 1958, la cual incluyó los movimientos: revolucionario del Magisterio, del Sindicato de Trabajadores Petroleros, de la Alianza de Telegrafistas, y del Sindicato de Trabajadores Ferrocarrileros de la República Mexicana. El comienzo del conflicto médico se debió a que los residentes e internos del Hospital 20 de Noviembre del hoy Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado (ISSSTE) no recibieron su aguinaldo, por lo que el 26 de noviembre de 1964 inició el paro, a partir del cual se formó la Asociación Mexicana de Médicos Residentes e Internos (AMMRI), cuyas demandas fueron: 1) Restitución total en sus puestos, sin represalias, 2) Revisión legal y cambio de los términos del contrato-beca, en el sentido de lograr contratos de trabajo anuales, renovables y progresivos, con el horario y características acostumbrados en cada institución además de determinación de sueldos base, 3) Preferencia para ocupar plaza de médico adscrito a los residentes egresados de las propias instituciones, 4) Participación activa del residente en la elaboración de los planes de enseñanza, y 5) Resolución de los problemas de cada hospital. Este movimiento, aunque tuvo repercusiones sociales para la vida contemporánea en México, a 50 años de su inicio, algunas de las demandas siguen sin ser resueltas para los médicos residentes.

Labor unions: a public health institution.

Using a social-ecological framework, we drew on a targeted literature review and historical and contemporary cases from the US labor movement to illustrate how unions address physical and psychosocial conditions of work and the underlying inequalities and social determinants of health. We reviewed labor involvement in tobacco cessation, hypertension control, and asthma, limiting articles to those in English published in peer-reviewed public health or medical journals from 1970 to 2013. More rigorous research is needed on potential pathways from union membership to health outcomes and the facilitators of and barriers to union-public health collaboration. Despite occasional challenges, public health professionals should increase their efforts to engage with unions as critical partners.

Organized labor and the origins of the Occupational Safety and Health Act.

New Solutions is republishing this 1991 article by Robert Asher, which reviews the history of organized labor's efforts in the United States to secure health and safety protections for workers. The 1877 passage of the Massachusetts factory inspection law and the implementation of primitive industrial safety inspection systems in many states paralleled labor action for improved measures to protect workers' health and safety. In the early 1900s labor was focusing on workers' compensation laws. The New Deal expanded the federal government's role in worker protection, supported at least by the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), but challenged by industry and many members of the U.S. Congress. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the CIO backed opposing legal and inspection strategies in the late 1940s and through the 1950s. Still, by the late 1960s, several unions were able to help craft the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 and secure new federal protections for U.S. workers.

Relaciones entre el Estado y los sindicatos y sus consecuencias en torno al régimen de obras sociales en Argentina: un análisis histórico-político / The relationship between the State and workers’ unions and its impacts in the union-based health coverage regime in Argentina: an historical and political analysis

El presente trabajo se propone realizar una reconstrucción histórico-política, cuyo período transita desde fines del siglo XIX hasta la actualidad, que indague sobre la relación entre el Estado argentino y los sindicatos y sus repercusiones en torno a la constitución, consolidación y potencial ocaso del sistema de prestación de atención médica a los trabajadores administrado por los sindicatos, denominado en Argentina como obras sociales. Asimismo, sostendrá la hipótesis de que el financiamiento obtenido por parte de las cúpulas sindicales a través de las obras sociales ha sido un instrumento eficaz para sostener un modelo sindical centralizado que garantizó, en ciertos casos, gobernabilidad no solo a las cúpulas sino también a los diferentes gobiernos nacionales.

This paper aims at developing a political and historical reconstruction of the period spanning from the late nineteenth century to the present. In particular, this work investigates the relationship between the Argentine State and workers’ unions and the impacts of that relationship in the establishment, consolidation and potential decline of the health coverage system administrated by unions, in Argentina called obras sociales. This work will also support the hypothesis that the financing obtained by union leaders through this health coverage system has been an efficient instrument for sustaining a centralized union model and has in some cases guaranteed the continued governance of both union leaders and different national governments.

Cradles of industry and occupational medicine in the modern world: Milan 1906 -- Annus Mirabilis.

BACKGROUND: The example examined is Milan, Italy's main industrial city, where the great International Exhibition was held in 1906. This was the culmination of a period of accelerated industrial growth that modern-day historiography considers to be when Italy's first real industrial revolution began. The twenty-five years between the National Industrial Exhibition of 1881, which was also held in Milan, and the 1906 Exhibition truly reflected a period which was crucial for this transformation to take of. Alongside industry, which was then going through a phase of reorganization and development, Milanese civil society was increasingly turning its interest and attention to what was called the "social question". In an atmosphere of debate and exchange of ideas and experience with Turin, another major industrial city of the north and the birthplace of the Italian engineering and automobile industries, social organizations, political parties and trade unions began to be established thus heralding the Italian approach towards twentieth-century welfare. RESULTS: This is the context in which the first International Congress on Occupational Diseases was held in Milan from 9 to 14 June 1906 within the framework of the International Exhibition. The success achieved with this initiative. organized by Luigi Devoto and Malachia De Cristoforis, which was to continue with the founding of the International Permanent Commission on Occupational Health, showed that the time was ripe for a new subject to appear on the scene--the occupational health physician--who from then on was to play an important role in the promotion of workers' health. CONCLUSIONS: The article outlines the main features of the Italian industrial transformation at the turn of the new century with special attention focused on Milan, the capital of industry in Italy. It also describes the impact on public opinion caused by the events surrounding the epic construction of the transalpine railway tunnels which began in 1856 with the Mont Cenis tunnel, then the tragic enterprise of the St. Gotthard tunnel in 1883, ending in 1906 with the inauguration of the Simplon tunnel. The Milan congress is examined as well as the developments which, from then on, began increasingly to give physicians specialised in occupational diseases a higher profile in events of an international nature in the defence of workers' health but also in the interests of economic development.

[The relationship between the State and workers' unions and its impacts in the union-based health coverage regime in Argentina: an historical and political analysis]. / Relaciones entre el Estado y los sindicatos y sus consecuencias en torno al régimen de obras sociales en Argentina: un análisis histórico-político.

This paper aims at developing a political and historical reconstruction of the period spanning from the late nineteenth century to the present. In particular, this work investigates the relationship between the Argentine State and workers' unions and the impacts of that relationship in the establishment, consolidation and potential decline of the health coverage system administrated by unions, in Argentina called obras sociales. This work will also support the hypothesis that the financing obtained by union leaders through this health coverage system has been an efficient instrument for sustaining a centralized union model and has in some cases guaranteed the continued governance of both union leaders and different national governments.

Health, safety and environmental education at the Canadian Labour Congress.

This piece describes involvement and reflections by Dave Bennett in three areas: 1) union education at the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC) from the late 1970s onwards; 2) insights regarding how the CLC moved into health and safety education in the early 1980s; and 3) further thoughts on how the CLC moved from health and safety into environmental protection education in the early 1990s, and consequent changes in the perspective adopted by health and safety courses. There are two types of critical comment on these educational processes, one which examines the educational dilemmas at the time, with an evaluation of the decisions reached, and the other a retrospective view of the educational process as a result of reflective hindsight.

The workhouse populations of Lancashire in 1881.

This article investigates the characteristics of the workhouse populations in Lancashire in 1881. The analysis is based on the snapshot view provided by the 1881 census and, despite the limitations of such an approach, this large-scale survey reveals significant variations in the experience of poverty and local relief policies in a largely industrial region that had been at the forefront of the anti-poor law movement. The workhouse populations are shown to be diverse, and contrast markedly with pauper populations previously studied. Lancashire's Poor Law Unions are divided into three types: conurbation, urban industrial and rural. These three groups appear to represent three different patterns of workhouse residency. The workhouse populations in rural Lancashire are broadly similar to those discussed elsewhere, being dominated by elderly males. However, urban industrial workhouse populations contained large numbers of adults of working age and the absence of children from workhouses in the conurbation is particularly striking.

The Bayview Hunters Point Foundation for Community Improvement: a pioneering multi-ethnic human service organization (1971-2008).

The Bayview Hunters Point Foundation for Community Improvement is a nonprofit organization established in 1971 to defend the legal rights of African-Americans living in its community. Over the years, the agency diversified its services to include mental health and substance abuse treatment, violence prevention, youth programming, and HIV services. The organization has overcome multiple challenges during its 37-year history in relation to social, political, and economic changes that have influenced the way the organization has financed and delivered its services. The history of the organization presents a collaborative approach to community problem-solving and exemplifies the important role that external relationships play in relationship to nonprofit growth and survival.

Appropriating social citizenship: women's labour, poverty, and entrepreneurship in the manual workers union of Botswana.

Interrogating critiques of the 'African labour aristocracy' thesis, the article proposes that public service industrial-class manual workers in Botswana form, if not a labour 'aristocracy' in the sense first defined by Saul and Arrighi, then a marginal worker 'elite'. They are privileged in having a regular salary above minimum pay, augmented by periodic lump-sum gratuity payments. This sets them apart from the other low-paid workers in the private sector, casual workers in the informal economy and a vast army of unemployed job seekers. In the absence of a national unemployment benefit scheme in Botswana, the article explores some of the strategies deployed by women members of the Manual Workers Union in their attempts to contend with the spectre of future unemployment and impoverishment. In gender terms, the article highlights the independence, autonomy and decision-making capacity of women trade unionist leaders, who straddle the worlds of workers' rights and citizens' rights, and manoeuvre their way through the maze of rules and regulations they encounter in both.

Local knowledge, state power, and the science of industrial labor relations: William Leiserson, David Saposs, and American labor economics in the interwar years.

Recent scholarship has frequently emphasized modern states' use of social science to impose universalized conceptions of rationality and order upon diverse, highly localized settings. The New Deal era experiences of William M. Leiserson and David J. Saposs, however, provide an analytical alternative. As students of the pioneering labor economist John R. Commons, Leiserson and Saposs sought to create mechanisms for state oversight of industrial labor relations that recognized local practices and arrangements. Although their approach failed to take hold within the National Labor Relations Board, localized institutional and political contingencies, and not a hegemonic modernism, account best for their frustrated aspirations in the late 1930s.