Race, witness credibility, and jury deliberation in a simulated drug trafficking trial.

OBJECTIVE: The present study integrates several distinct lines of jury decision-making research by examining how the racial identities of the defendant and an informant witness interact in a federal drug conspiracy trial scenario and by assessing whether jurors' individual racial identity and jury group racial composition influence their judgments. HYPOTHESES: We predicted that jurors would be biased against the Black defendant and would be more likely to convict after exposure to a White informant, among other hypotheses. METHOD: We recruited 822 nonstudent jury-eligible participants assigned to 144 jury groups. Each group was assigned to one of four onditions where defendant race (Black or White) and informant race (Black or White) was manipulated. Each group watched a realistic audio-visual trial presentation, then deliberated as a group to render a verdict. RESULTS: Contrary to expectations, the conditions depicting a Black defendant yielded lower conviction rates compared to those with a White defendant-at both the predeliberation individual (odds ratio [OR] = 1.54) and postdeliberation group level (OR = 2.91)-while the informant race did not influence verdict outcomes. We also found that jurors rated the government witnesses as more credible when the defendant was White compared to when he was Black. Credibility ratings and verdict outcomes were also predicted by jurors' own race, although juror race did not interact with the race conditions when predicting verdicts. CONCLUSIONS: Jurors are sensitive to defendant race, and this sensitivity appears to strengthen after deliberation-but in a direction opposite to what was expected. One potential implication of our findings is that juries may operate as a check on system bias by applying greater scrutiny to law enforcement-derived evidence when the defendant is Black. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Evolution of Italian laws banning trafficking, use and abuse of psychotropic drugs.

The penalty system implemented by Italian law still represents a barrier against psychoactive drugs and drug addiction, especially at a time when the age of first consumption has considerably dropped. Presidential Decree n. 309 of October 9, 1990 entitled "Consolidation of the laws governing drugs and psychotropic substances, the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of drug addicts", and referred to as Presidential Decree 309/90, is the reference text for the cultivation, production, trade and use of narcotics and other psychoactive substances in Italy. The Presidential Decree has its origins in the now-forgotten law of December 22, 1975, n. 685, amended by law 162/90, which provided a draft of the current Presidential Decree 309/90. The current text has been amended numerous times over the years.

Literature review on the implications of decriminalization for the care of drug users in Portugal and Brazil. / Revisão da literatura sobre implicações para assistência de usuários de drogas da descriminalização em Portugal e Brasil.

INTRODUCTION: Substance use problems remain at the core of public concern in countries sharing a common culture and a distinct history like Brazil and Portugal. OBJECTIVE: To describe findings of scientific literature about the implications of drug legislation change for the care of drug users in Brazil and Portugal. METHODS: This is an integrative review of literature that considers inclusion and exclusion criteria, sample selection, analyses and categorization of 21 articles selected that were published in databases PubMed, SciELO and Biblioteca do Conhecimento on-line (B-ON) and included ordinances and laws related to the subject. RESULTS: We observed that production on the repercussions of changes of legislation on care is scarce. Alcohol and tobacco are still a matter of concern in both countries. In Portugal, concerns about heroin-related issues have declined in recent years, but opioids use prevalence rates remain well above those of Brazil. Crack-related problems are a Brazilian reality without parallel in Portugal. In both cases, some actions are in place to change the policy in favor of a reduced repressive approach, with differentiation between users and drug dealers, increased punishment of dealers and reduced punishment of drug users.

Os problemas relacionados ao uso de drogas se mantêm como foco de preocupação em países que têm uma história em comum e trajetórias distintas como Brasil e Portugal. Objetivo: descrever os achados na literatura científica sobre os impactos das mudanças na legislação sobre drogas na assistência a estas pessoas nos dois países. Método: revisão integrativa da literatura, por meio de critérios de inclusão e exclusão, seleção da amostra, análise e categorização dos estudos com a escolha de 21 artigos publicados nas bases PubMed, SciELO e Biblioteca do Conhecimento on-line, mais portarias e leis referentes ao tema. Resultados: Observa-se que é escassa a produção sobre as repercussões das mudanças da legislação para a assistência. Nos dois países, o álcool e o tabaco se mantêm como foco de preocupação. Em Portugal, a preocupação com os problemas relacionados ao uso de heroína diminuiu nos últimos anos, mas as taxas de prevalência do uso de opióides se mantêm muito acima das do Brasil. Os problemas com o crack configuram uma realidade brasileira sem paralelo em Portugal. Em ambos os casos, há iniciativas para a mudança da política em direção à diminuição da abordagem repressiva, com a diferenciação entre usuários e traficantes, o aumento da punição dos traficantes e abrandamento da punição dos usuários.

Revisão da literatura sobre implicações para assistência de usuários de drogas da descriminalização em Portugal e Brasil / Literature review on the implications of decriminalization for the care of drug users in Portugal and Brazil

Resumo Os problemas relacionados ao uso de drogas se mantêm como foco de preocupação em países que têm uma história em comum e trajetórias distintas como Brasil e Portugal. Objetivo: descrever os achados na literatura científica sobre os impactos das mudanças na legislação sobre drogas na assistência a estas pessoas nos dois países. Método: revisão integrativa da literatura, por meio de critérios de inclusão e exclusão, seleção da amostra, análise e categorização dos estudos com a escolha de 21 artigos publicados nas bases PubMed, SciELO e Biblioteca do Conhecimento on-line, mais portarias e leis referentes ao tema. Resultados: Observa-se que é escassa a produção sobre as repercussões das mudanças da legislação para a assistência. Nos dois países, o álcool e o tabaco se mantêm como foco de preocupação. Em Portugal, a preocupação com os problemas relacionados ao uso de heroína diminuiu nos últimos anos, mas as taxas de prevalência do uso de opióides se mantêm muito acima das do Brasil. Os problemas com o crack configuram uma realidade brasileira sem paralelo em Portugal. Em ambos os casos, há iniciativas para a mudança da política em direção à diminuição da abordagem repressiva, com a diferenciação entre usuários e traficantes, o aumento da punição dos traficantes e abrandamento da punição dos usuários.

Abstract Introduction: Substance use problems remain at the core of public concern in countries sharing a common culture and a distinct history like Brazil and Portugal. Objective: To describe findings of scientific literature about the implications of drug legislation change for the care of drug users in Brazil and Portugal. Methods: This is an integrative review of literature that considers inclusion and exclusion criteria, sample selection, analyses and categorization of 21 articles selected that were published in databases PubMed, SciELO and Biblioteca do Conhecimento on-line (B-ON) and included ordinances and laws related to the subject. Results: We observed that production on the repercussions of changes of legislation on care is scarce. Alcohol and tobacco are still a matter of concern in both countries. In Portugal, concerns about heroin-related issues have declined in recent years, but opioids use prevalence rates remain well above those of Brazil. Crack-related problems are a Brazilian reality without parallel in Portugal. In both cases, some actions are in place to change the policy in favor of a reduced repressive approach, with differentiation between users and drug dealers, increased punishment of dealers and reduced punishment of drug users.

Therapeutic Jurisprudence and Restorative Justice in the United States: The Process of Institutionalization and the Roles of Judges.

The legal systems and the judiciary in many countries have been changed and reformed, with the aim of dispensing justice quicker and more effectively. Some reforms have tried a less adversarial approach to resolving legal disputes, for example, Therapeutic Jurisprudence (TJ) and Restorative Justice (RJ). The objective of this article is to describe how institutionalized these movements are in the United States and the roles played by judges in this process. The data collection involved document analysis, observation of court-hearings, and interviews with 13 judges from several judicial areas involved in TJ and/or RJ judicial proceedings in the United States. Data analysis was undertaken using content analysis and the software NVivo. The results provide evidence that (a) these movements are in a process of divergent change implementation; (b) judges who engage with these approaches act as institutional entrepreneurs; and (c) the judges interviewed can be classified into four roles that are complementary in the promotion of TJ/RJ: promoter, author, convener, and maintainer.

State Responses to the Opioid Crisis.

This paper focuses on the most common state policy responses to the opioid crisis, dividing them into six broad categories. Within each category we highlight the rationale behind the group of policies within it, discuss the details and support for individual policies, and explore the research base behind them. The objective is to better understand the most prevalent state responses to the opioid crisis.

Fentanyl: A Whole New World?

This article seeks to document the latest danger in the opioid crisis: fentanyl and related synthetic opioids. Fifty times more potent than pure heroin, cheaper to manufacture in laboratories worldwide, and easily distributed by mail and couriers, fentanyl is flooding the illicit opioid markets throughout the country.

The burgeoning recognition and accommodation of the social supply of drugs in international criminal justice systems: An eleven-nation comparative overview.

BACKGROUND: It is now commonly accepted that there exists a form of drug supply, that involves the non-commercial supply of drugs to friends and acquaintances for little or no profit, which is qualitatively different from profit motivated 'drug dealing proper'. 'Social supply', as it has become known, has a strong conceptual footprint in the United Kingdom, shaped by empirical research, policy discussion and its accommodation in legal frameworks. Though scholarship has emerged in a number of contexts outside the UK, the extent to which social supply has developed as an internationally recognised concept in criminal justice contexts is still unclear. METHODS: Drawing on an established international social supply research network across eleven nations, this paper provides the first assessment of social supply as an internationally relevant concept. Data derives from individual and team research stemming from Australia, Belgium, Canada, Czech Republic, Finland, Germany, Hong Kong, the Netherlands, England and Wales, and the United States, supported by expert reflection on research evidence and analysis of sentencing and media reporting in each context. In situ social supply experts addressed a common set of questions regarding the nature of social supply for their particular context including: an overview of social supply research activity, reflection on the extent that differentiation is accommodated in drug supply sentencing frameworks; evaluating the extent to which social supply is recognised in legal discourse and in sentencing practices and more broadly by e.g. criminal justice professionals in the public sphere. A thematic analysis of these scripts was undertaken and emergent themes were developed. Whilst having an absence of local research, New Zealand is also included in the analysis as there exists a genuine discursive presence of social supply in the drug control and sentencing policy contexts in that country. RESULTS: Findings suggest that while social supply has been found to exist as a real and distinct behaviour, its acceptance and application in criminal justice systems ranges from explicit through to implicit. In the absence of dedicated guiding frameworks, strong use is made of discretion and mitigating circumstances in attempts to acknowledge supply differentiation. In some jurisdictions, there is no accommodation of social supply, and while aggravating factors can be applied to differentiate more serious offences, social suppliers remain subject to arbitrary deterrent sentencing apparatus. CONCLUSION: Due to the shifting sands of politics, mood, or geographical disparity, reliance on judicial discretion and the use of mitigating circumstances to implement commensurate sentences for social suppliers is no longer sufficient. Further research is required to strengthen the conceptual presence of social supply in policy and practice as a behaviour that extends beyond cannabis and is relevant to users of all drugs. Research informed guidelines and/or specific sentencing provisions for social suppliers would provide fewer possibilities for inconsistency and promote more proportionate outcomes for this fast-growing group.

[securPharm e. V. - a protective shield against falsified medicines]. / securPharm e. V. ­ der Schutzschild gegen gefälschte Arzneimittel.

It is the declared objective of the Falsified Medicines Directive 2011/62/EU to further improve the protection of patients from falsified pharmaceuticals. Therefore, it stipulates measures based on which falsified medicines in the supply chain can be more easily identified. This is the European legislature's reaction to an increase in falsified medicines. The EU Falsified Medicines Directive aims to create a uniform, standardized solution for protection from falsified drugs. From 9 February 2019 onward (according to the EU Regulation No. 2016/161), manufacturers may only release prescription drugs bearing two safety features into circulation and pharmacies may only dispense these drugs to patients following a successful authentication.The EU legislature demands that each EU member state establish a non-profit national medicines verification organisation (NMVO) that sets up and operates a national medicines verification system (NMVS) for the authentication of pharmaceuticals. In Germany, this is securPharm e. V., an alliance of the pharmaceutical industry, wholesalers and pharmacies. securPharm e. V. was established in 2011. Since 2013, pharmaceutical companies, wholesalers and pharmacies have been able to use the securPharm system for testing purposes. This article provides an overview of the current project progress of securPharm e. V. as of June 2017.

Attitudes towards drug policies in Latin America: Results from a Latin-American Survey.

BACKGROUND: In recent years Latin American countries have increasingly rejected the traditional prohibitionist paradigm of drug policy, reflecting its failure to reduce either consumption or trafficking. The extent to which these policy trends currently command pubic support is unclear, however. This article goes some way to filling this gap, providing a snapshot of public attitudes towards drug policies in nine Latin American countries. METHODS: The 2014 Annual Survey of the Observatory of Drug Policies and Public Opinion, which has representative population samples, was used to measure public opinion. Country comparisons are made using descriptive and inferential statistics. RESULTS: Countries fall into three groups: Peru, Bolivia and El Salvador are the most conservative countries on drug policy and perceptions of risks of cannabis use; they also score lowest on Human Development Index. On the other hand, the public in Chile and Uruguay are more likely to support drug policy reform. The remaining four countries (Argentina, Colombia, Mexico and Peru) tend to occupy the middle ground between these extremes. In addition, cannabis legalization is explained by its recreational use, being this the main meaning attached to cannabis policy among Latin American citizens. CONCLUSION: There is a significant heterogeneity in attitudes towards drug policies in Latin American countries, which suggests that people are questioning the policies that set the norm in Latin America without achieving any consensus regarding future measures for each country.

Lessons in ambivalence: The Shanghai Municipal Council's opium policies, 1906-1917.

BACKGROUND: Shanghai was considered to be a "capital of opium" in modern China, hence the history of opium in the city has received significant attention. In the Shanghai International Settlement, where Chinese and foreigners lived as neighbours, drugs were considered by the administration as both "trouble maker", and important financial resource. This paper explores how the Shanghai Municipal Council (SMC), the most senior governing body in the settlement, used its position to maximize political and economic profit from the trade and consumption of opium. METHODS: The paper is based on documentary analysis of records of the SMC board meetings and other related material stored at Shanghai Municipal Archives. Interpretive approaches were used to analyze the shifting SMC strategies on opium consumption, the competing power relations and the way they were negotiated between actors with a stake in the region, including semi-colonialism and world systems analysis. RESULTS: With the dual purpose of preventing damage and enhancing municipal management, the SMC introduced a licensing system permitting the consumption and trade of drugs. However, the anti-opium policies of the late Qing government and the Anglo-Chinese 10 Year Agreement meant SMC had to shut down opium "houses" (opium dens) and "shops" (for the sale of opium to be consumed off the premises). CONCLUSIONS: Over almost a decade, the SMC shifted emphasis from political regulation of a social, recreational practice to maximizing financial benefit. In the process, SMC made full use of the opportunities it gained from a period of ambivalent Chinese and British power relations and local community rule.

The Dangerous Drugs Act Amendment in Jamaica: Reviewing goals, implementation, and challenges.

BACKGROUND: After decades of internal discussion, the Government of Jamaica recently amended its laws to create a regulated and licensed cannabis industry for medical and scientific purposes. The new law also decriminalizes personal possession and use of cannabis; allows cannabis to be used by individuals for religious, medical, scientific and therapeutic purposes; and permits home cultivation of up to five plants. METHODS: We first describe the statutory changes under the Dangerous Drugs (Amendment) Act of 2015 and compare it with other jurisdictions. We provide an analytical framework for understanding how the DDA Amendment affects key populations and achieves its stated goals, drawing on publicly available information and unstructured interviews with non-governmental stakeholders in Jamaica. RESULTS: The Amendment's primary goals are to deliver economic impact and reduce criminal justice costs. A relaxed policy of enforcement toward possession and use seems to have occurred even before the law's passage; after the law's passage, enforcement remains limited. To access medical cannabis under the DDA residents must receive authorization from a certified health professional in Jamaica; tourists may self-declare their medical need; and Rastafarians may grow and exchange non-commercially for religious purposes. CONCLUSION: Internally, many see "ganja" as an industry sorely needed to drive economic growth in Jamaica. Indeed, the potential impacts could be large, especially if Jamaica draws additional tourism or creates a viable export industry. A growing cannabis-related tourism industry seems more realistic. We maintain that policymakers and observers should proceed in an orderly fashion, continuing to identify and resolve remaining uncertainties, initiate new types of data collection, and make decisions based on realistic assessments of potentials for economic impact.

"Selling smarter, not harder": Life course effects on drug sellers' risk perceptions and management.

BACKGROUND: Policies undergirding the American War on Drugs assume that drug offenders respond rationally to adjustments in sanction certainty and severity. Previous studies find that instead of absolute deterrence, or the termination of criminal activity, drug offenders employ restrictive deterrence, or a variety of risk management strategies. Extant research and current drug policy both fail to examine the interaction of risk perception, management techniques, and life course events or circumstances. METHODS: This dynamic examination of apprehension avoidance strategies relies on in-depth interviews mapping out the careers of 20 drug sellers in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. It examines their risk perceptions and risk management strategies and techniques, exploring rationales for shifts in offending behavior. RESULTS: Respondents were highly risk-averse but used a narrow definition of sanctions relevant to shaping future offending behavior, typically making small adjustments in sales techniques. Rationales for these shifts included sanctions, personal preference, and life course events or circumstances. Only one attributed lasting desistance from offending to a sanction, although life course events such as parenthood and employment were associated with short-term and planned desistance. CONCLUSIONS: The limited relevance of sanctions to offenders' thinking about risk avoidance contextualizes the widespread failure of policies designed to deter drug sales. Findings support a growing conclusion that severity of punishment is a less powerful deterrent than certainty and that adjustments in certainty after arrest are offense-specific. The relationship of life course events - especially employment - to desistance and resumed offending suggest that social policies may be more effective than criminal justice sanctions in reducing drug offending.

Tightening the Dutch coffee shop policy: Evaluation of the private club and the residence criterion.

BACKGROUND: The Dutch coffee shop policy was tightened in 2012. Two additional criteria that coffee shops must adhere to in order for them to be tolerated came into force: the private club and the residence criterion. Coffee shops were only permitted to give access to members and only residents of the Netherlands were permitted to become a member. This tightened policy sought to make coffee shops smaller and more controllable, to reduce the nuisance associated with coffee shops and to reduce the number of foreign visitors attracted by the coffee shops. Enforcement began in the southern provinces. The private club criterion was abolished at the end of 2012. METHODS: A sample of fourteen municipalities with coffee shops was drawn. Seven in the south were treated as an 'experimental group' and the others as 'comparison group'. A baseline assessment and follow-ups at six and 18 months were performed. A combination of methods was applied: interviews with local experts, surveys with neighbourhood residents, coffee shop visitors and cannabis users, and ethnographic field work. RESULTS: Drugs tourism to coffee shops swiftly declined in 2012. The coffee shops also lost a large portion of their local customers, since users did not want to register as a member. The illegal market expanded. Neighbourhood residents experienced a greater amount of nuisance caused by dealer activities. After abolishment of the private club criterion, residents of the Netherlands largely returned to the coffee shops. Drug tourists still remained largely absent. Neighbourhood residents experienced more nuisance from coffee shops again. Illegal cannabis sale was tempered. No effect on cannabis use was found. CONCLUSION: The quick and robust shifts in the users' market in reaction to the policy changes illustrate the power of policy, but also the limitations caused by the dynamic and resilient nature of the Dutch cannabis supply market.

Modeling the structure and operation of drug supply chains: The case of cocaine and heroin in Italy and Slovenia.

Multiple layers of dealers connect international drug traffickers to users. The fundamental activity of these dealers is buying from higher-level dealers and re-selling in smaller quantities at the next lower market level. Each instance of this can be viewed as completing a drug dealing "cycle". This paper introduces an approach for combining isolated accounts of such cycles into a coherent model of the structure, span, and profitability of the various layers of the domestic supply chain for illegal drugs. The approach is illustrated by synthesizing data from interviews with 116 incarcerated dealers to elucidate the structure and operation of distribution networks for cocaine and heroin in Italy and Slovenia. Inmates' descriptions of cycles in the Italian cocaine market suggest fairly orderly networks, with reasonably well-defined market levels. The Italian heroin market appears to have more "level-jumpers" who skip a market level by making a larger number of sales per cycle, with each sale being of a considerably smaller weight. Slovenian data are sparser, but broadly consistent. Incorporating prices allows calculation of how much of the revenue from retail sales is retained by dealers at each market level. In the Italian cocaine market, both retail sellers and the international supply chain outside of Italy each appear to receive about 30-40% of what users spend, with the remaining 30% going to higher-level dealers operating in Italy (roughly 10% to those at the multi-kilo level and 20% to lower level wholesale dealers). Factoring in cycle frequencies permits rough estimation of the number of organizations at each market level per billion euros in retail sales, and of annual net revenues for organizations at each level. These analyses provide an approach to gaining insight into the structure and operation of the supply chain for illegal drugs. They also illustrate the value of two new graphical tools for describing illicit drug supply chains and hint at possible biases in how respondents describe their drug dealing activities.

Poly-drug trafficking: Estimating the scale, trends and harms at the Australian border.

BACKGROUND: International drug law enforcement agencies have identified an apparent rise in high level drug traffickers choosing to deal in multiple different drugs. It is hypothesised that this may be a "deliberate modus operandi" and that the formation of "portfolios of trades" may make such traffickers more profitable, harmful and resilient to changes in drug supply and policing. In this paper we provide the first exploration of the extent, nature and harms of poly-drug trafficking at Australian borders. METHODS: Two different methods were used. First, we used Australian Federal Police (AFP) data on all commercial level seizures at the Australian border from 1999 to 2012 to identify the proportion of seizures that were poly-drug and trends over time. Second, we used unit-record data on a sub-set of 20 drug trafficking cases and linked-cases (defined as the original drug trafficking case and all other criminal cases that were connected via common offenders and/or suspects) to compare the profiles of poly-drug and mono-drug traffickers, including: the total weight and type of drug seized, the value of assets seized, and the level of involvement in other crime (such as money laundering and corruption). RESULTS: Between 5% and 35% of commercial importations at the Australian border involved poly-drug trafficking. Poly-drug trafficking occurred in almost every year of analysis (1999-2012), but it increased only slightly over time. Compared to mono-drug traffickers poly-drug traffickers were characterised by: larger quantities of drugs seized, larger networks, longer criminal histories and more involvement in other types of serious crime. CONCLUSION: Some fears about poly-drug traffickers may have been overstated particularly about the inherent escalation of this form of trafficking. Nevertheless, this suggests poly-drug traffickers are likely to pose added risks to governments and law enforcement than mono-drug traffickers. They may necessitate different types of policy responses.

The politics of drug control in Nigeria: Exclusion, repression and obstacles to policy change.

BACKGROUND: International agencies have viewed West Africa as a major player in the global trade in cocaine and heroin and in efforts to control that trade, as there have been reports of escalating arrests of drug smugglers, large-scale drug seizures and 'narco-states' in the subregion. It is claimed that a substantial share of the drugs available in Western markets transit through West Africa today and are increasingly used there as well. Notwithstanding this growing alarm, there is little serious scholarship addressing the issue of drugs and drug policy in West Africa. METHODS: The article assesses and challenges some of the existing depictions of drugs and drug policy in West Africa through an empirical case study of drug control in Nigeria - one of West Africa's most notorious 'drug hubs' and recently hailed as a policy model by international experts. Based on previously inaccessible government documents, interviews with key officials in Nigeria, as well as ethnographic work at Nigeria's key drug agency, the article provides a unique insight into the politics of drug policy-making and implementation in West Africa. RESULTS: After describing the dominant official narratives of Nigeria's drug control, the article shows how the key political dynamics underlying drug policy remain obscured by these narratives. Nigerian drug policy has been characterised by a highly exclusive policy-making process, repression as the sole means of implementation and a strong bond with international drug agencies. This policy emerged in the 1980s and 1990s and has remained the unchallenged norm until today. The political processes underlying Nigerian drug policy also explain why policy reform has been and will be difficult to accomplish. CONCLUSION: These domestic political processes have largely been ignored in the existing depictions of drugs in West Africa, as they have mainly focused on externally driven drug threats and foreign policy responses. Most importantly, they have ignored the role played by the state. Rather than being too weak, the Nigerian state has shown a clear tendency towards repressive and coercive drug policy, which has received little popular support.