The production of adjectives in narratives by individuals with primary progressive aphasia.

Adjectives (e.g., hungry) are an important part of language, but have been little studied in individuals with impaired language. Adjectives are used in two different ways in English: attributively, to modify a noun (the hungry dog); or predicatively, after a verb (the dog is hungry). Attributive adjectives have a more complex grammatical structure than predicative adjectives, and may therefore be particularly prone to disruption in individuals with grammatical impairments. We investigated adjective production in three subtypes of primary progressive aphasia (PPA: agrammatic, semantic, logopenic), as well as in agrammatic stroke aphasia and a group of healthy control participants. Participants produced narratives based on picture books, and we coded every adjective they produced for its syntactic structure. Compared to healthy controls, the two agrammatic groups, but not the other two patient groups, produced significantly fewer attributive adjectives per sentence. All four patient groups were similar to controls for their rate of predicative adjective production. In addition, we found a significant correlation in the agrammatic PPA participants between their rate of producing attributive adjective and impaired production of sentences with complex syntactic structure (subject cleft sentences like It was the boy that chased the girl); no such correlation was found for predicative adjectives. Irrespective of structure, we examined the lexical characteristics of the adjectives that were produced, including length, frequency, semantic diversity and neighborhood density. Overall, the lexical characteristics of the produced adjectives were largely consistent with the language profile of each group. In sum, the results suggest that attributive adjectives present a particular challenge for individuals with agrammatic language production, and add a new dimension to the description of agrammatism. Our results further suggest that attributive adjectives may be a fruitful target for improved treatment and recovery of agrammatic language.

A targeted review of prosodic production in agrammatic aphasia.

It is unclear whether individuals with agrammatic aphasia have particularly disrupted prosody, or in fact have relatively preserved prosody they can use in a compensatory way. A targeted literature review was undertaken to examine the evidence regarding the capacity of speakers with agrammatic aphasia to produce prosody. The aim was to answer the question, how much prosody can a speaker "do" with limited syntax? The literature was systematically searched for articles examining the production of grammatical prosody in people with agrammatism, and yielded 16 studies that were ultimately included in this review. Participant inclusion criteria, spoken language tasks, and analysis procedures vary widely across studies. The evidence indicates that timing aspects of prosody are disrupted in people with agrammatic aphasia, while the use of pitch and amplitude cues is more likely to be preserved in this population. Some, but not all, of these timing differences may be attributable to motor speech programming deficits (AOS) rather than aphasia, as these conditions frequently co-occur. Many of the included studies do not address AOS and its possible role in any observed effects. Finally, the available evidence indicates that even speakers with severe aphasia show a degree of preserved prosody in functional communication.

The role of verbal short-term memory in complex sentence comprehension: An observational study on aphasia.

BACKGROUND: The comprehension profile of people with agrammatism is a debated topic. Syntactic complexity and cognitive resources, in particular phonological short-term memory (pSTM), are considered as crucial components by different interpretative accounts. AIM: To investigate the interaction of syntactic complexity and of pSTM in sentence comprehension in a group of persons with aphasia with and without agrammatism. METHODS & PROCEDURES: A cohort of 30 participants presenting with aphasia was assessed for syntactic comprehension and for pSTM. A total of 15 presented with agrammatism and 15 had fluent aphasia. OUTCOMES & RESULTS: Linear nested mixed-model analyses revealed a significant interaction between sentence type and pSTM. In particular, participants with lower pSTM scores showed a reduced comprehension of centre-embedded object relatives and long coordinated sentences. Moreover, a significant interaction was found between sentence type and agrammatism, with a lower performance for passives within the agrammatic group. CONCLUSIONS & IMPLICATIONS: These results confirm that pSTM is involved in the comprehension of complex structures with an important computational load, in particular coordinated sentences, and long-distance filler gap dependencies. On the contrary, the specific deficit of the agrammatic group with passives is a pure syntactic deficit, with no involvement of pSTM.

Functional differentiation in the language network revealed by lesion-symptom mapping.

Theories of language organization in the brain commonly posit that different regions underlie distinct linguistic mechanisms. However, such theories have been criticized on the grounds that many neuroimaging studies of language processing find similar effects across regions. Moreover, condition by region interaction effects, which provide the strongest evidence of functional differentiation between regions, have rarely been offered in support of these theories. Here we address this by using lesion-symptom mapping in three large, partially-overlapping groups of aphasia patients with left hemisphere brain damage due to stroke (N = 121, N = 92, N = 218). We identified multiple measure by region interaction effects, associating damage to the posterior middle temporal gyrus with syntactic comprehension deficits, damage to posterior inferior frontal gyrus with expressive agrammatism, and damage to inferior angular gyrus with semantic category word fluency deficits. Our results are inconsistent with recent hypotheses that regions of the language network are undifferentiated with respect to high-level linguistic processing.

Contribution of the Cerebellum and the Basal Ganglia to Language Production: Speech, Word Fluency, and Sentence Construction-Evidence from Pathology.

Evidence reported in recent decades increasingly confirms that both the cerebellum and the basal ganglia, which are primarily involved in movement control, also have a significant role in a vast range of cognitive and affective functions. Evidence from pathology indicates that the disorders of some aspects of language production which follow damage of the cerebellum or respectively basal ganglia, i.e., disorders of speech, word fluency, and sentence construction, have identifiable neuropsychological profiles and that most manifestations can be specifically attributed to the dysfunctions of mechanisms supported by one or the other of these structures. The cerebellum and the basal ganglia are reciprocally interconnected. Thus, it is plausible that some disorders observed when damage involves one of these structures could be remote effects of abnormal activity in the other. However, in a purely clinical-neuropsychological perspective, primary and remote effects in the network are difficult to disentangle. Functional neuroimaging and non-invasive brain stimulation techniques likely represent the indispensable support for achieving this goal.

Language treatment effects on communicative abilities and working memory in Korean-speaking agrammatic Broca's aphasia caused by moyamoya disease: Phase II evidence from a case study.

The present study reports on the language treatment outcomes from sentence- and story-level linguistic facilitation and its generalization effect on communicative abilities, working memory, and sentence processing in the case of an adult with Moyamoya Disease (MMD). After treatment,the patient's overall performance, including the Aphasia Quotient, and sentence processing ability as measured by language testing, were improved. Furthermore, the treatment effects were generalizable to working memory abilities. Our case study conveys clinically meaningful implications since it is the first report on the effects of language treatment on linguistic and cognitive domains for an individual with MMD-induced agrammatic Broca's aphasia.

Cortical and structural-connectivity damage correlated with impaired syntactic processing in aphasia.

Agrammatism in aphasia is not a homogeneous syndrome, but a characterization of a nonuniform set of language behaviors in which grammatical markers and complex syntactic structures are omitted, simplified, or misinterpreted. In a sample of 71 left-hemisphere stroke survivors, syntactic processing was quantified with the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS). Classification analyses were used to assess the relation between NAVS performance and morphosyntactically reduced speech in picture descriptions. Voxel-based and connectivity-based lesion-symptom mapping were applied to investigate neural correlates of impaired syntactic processing. Despite a nonrandom correspondence between NAVS performance and morphosyntactic production deficits, there was variation in individual patterns of syntactic processing. Morphosyntactically reduced production was predicted by lesions to left-hemisphere inferior frontal cortex. Impaired verb argument structure production was predicted by damage to left-hemisphere posterior superior temporal and angular gyrus, as well as to a ventral pathway between temporal and frontal cortex. Damage to this pathway was also predictive of impaired sentence comprehension and production, particularly of noncanonical sentences. Although agrammatic speech production is primarily predicted by lesions to inferior frontal cortex, other aspects of syntactic processing rely rather on regional integrity in temporoparietal cortex and the ventral stream.

Distinct [18F]THK5351 binding patterns in primary progressive aphasia variants.

PURPOSE: To assess the binding of the PET tracer [18F]THK5351 in patients with different primary progressive aphasia (PPA) variants and its correlation with clinical deficits. The majority of patients with nonfluent variant (NFV) and logopenic variant (LV) PPA have underlying tauopathy of the frontotemporal lobar or Alzheimer disease type, respectively, while patients with the semantic variant (SV) have predominantly transactive response DNA binding protein 43-kDa pathology. METHODS: The study included 20 PPA patients consecutively recruited through a memory clinic (12 NFV, 5 SV, 3 LV), and 20 healthy controls. All participants received an extensive neurolinguistic assessment, magnetic resonance imaging and amyloid biomarker tests. [18F]THK5351 binding patterns were assessed on standardized uptake value ratio (SUVR) images with the cerebellar grey matter as the reference using statistical parametric mapping. Whole-brain voxel-wise regression analysis was performed to evaluate the association between [18F]THK5351 SUVR images and neurolinguistic scores. Analyses were performed with and without partial volume correction. RESULTS: Patients with NFV showed increased binding in the supplementary motor area, left premotor cortex, thalamus, basal ganglia and midbrain compared with controls and patients with SV. Patients with SV had increased binding in the temporal lobes bilaterally and in the right ventromedial frontal cortex compared with controls and patients with NFV. The whole-brain voxel-wise regression analysis revealed a correlation between agrammatism and motor speech impairment, and [18F]THK5351 binding in the left supplementary motor area and left postcentral gyrus. Analysis of [18F]THK5351 scans without partial volume correction revealed similar results. CONCLUSION: [18F]THK5351 imaging shows a topography closely matching the anatomical distribution of predicted underlying pathology characteristic of NFV and SV PPA. [18F]THK5351 binding correlates with the severity of clinical impairment.

Sentence composition ability in two patients with non-fluent/agrammatic variant primary progressive aphasia.

Agrammatism is one of the core clinical features of non-fluent/agrammatic variant primary progressive aphasia, and it has traditionally been considered the hallmark of non-fluent aphasia in Western countries. However, agrammatic speech may remain undetected in Japanese patients because of the agglutinative structure of the language and high flexibility in word order. In the present study, we aimed to analyze agrammatism in the speech production of Japanese patients with aphasia due to neurodegenerative disease using an anagram test generated by our laboratory. Four patients were recruited from the dementia clinic at Tohoku University Hospital between December 2014 and August 2015: two patients with non-fluent/agrammatic variant primary progressive aphasia, one with semantic variant primary progressive aphasia, and one with probable Alzheimer's disease experiencing episodic memory impairment accompanied by transcortical sensory aphasia. All patients underwent thorough neurological and neuropsychological testing before performing a Japanese anagram task based on the Northwestern Anagram Test. Our findings indicated that the two patients with non-fluent/agrammatic variant primary progressive aphasia exhibited poorer performance on the anagram task than the remaining two patients. Therefore, the anagram test used in the present study may aid in detecting output aspects of agrammatism in Japanese patients with aphasia, although future studies are required to develop a standardized version of test.

Preserved processing of musical structure in a person with agrammatic aphasia.

Evidence for shared processing of structure (or syntax) in language and in music conflicts with neuropsychological dissociations between the two. However, while harmonic structural processing can be impaired in patients with spared linguistic syntactic abilities (Peretz, I. (1993). Auditory atonalia for melodies. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 10, 21-56. doi:10.1080/02643299308253455), evidence for the opposite dissociation-preserved harmonic processing despite agrammatism-is largely lacking. Here, we report one such case: HV, a former musician with Broca's aphasia and agrammatic speech, was impaired in making linguistic, but not musical, acceptability judgments. Similarly, she showed no sensitivity to linguistic structure, but normal sensitivity to musical structure, in implicit priming tasks. To our knowledge, this is the first non-anecdotal report of a patient with agrammatic aphasia demonstrating preserved harmonic processing abilities, supporting claims that aspects of musical and linguistic structure rely on distinct neural mechanisms.

A characterization of verb use in Turkish agrammatic narrative speech.

This study investigates the characteristics of narrative-speech production and the use of verbs in Turkish agrammatic speakers (n = 10) compared to non-brain-damaged controls (n = 10). To elicit narrative-speech samples, personal interviews and storytelling tasks were conducted. Turkish has a large and regular verb inflection paradigm where verbs are inflected for evidentiality (i.e. direct versus indirect evidence available to the speaker). Particularly, we explored the general characteristics of the speech samples (e.g. utterance length) and the uses of lexical, finite and non-finite verbs and direct and indirect evidentials. The results show that speech rate is slow, verbs per utterance are lower than normal and the verb diversity is reduced in the agrammatic speakers. Verb inflection is relatively intact; however, a trade-off pattern between inflection for direct evidentials and verb diversity is found. The implications of the data are discussed in connection with narrative-speech production studies on other languages.

Morpho-syntactic processing of Arabic plurals after aphasia: dissecting lexical meaning from morpho-syntax within word boundaries.

Within the domain of inflectional morpho-syntax, differential processing of regular and irregular forms has been found in healthy speakers and in aphasia. One view assumes that irregular forms are retrieved as full entities, while regular forms are compiled on-line. An alternative view holds that a single mechanism oversees regular and irregular forms. Arabic offers an opportunity to study this phenomenon, as Arabic nouns contain a consonantal root, delivering lexical meaning, and a vocalic pattern, delivering syntactic information, such as gender and number. The aim of this study is to investigate morpho-syntactic processing of regular (sound) and irregular (broken) Arabic plurals in patients with morpho-syntactic impairment. Three participants with acquired agrammatic aphasia produced plural forms in a picture-naming task. We measured overall response accuracy, then analysed lexical errors and morpho-syntactic errors, separately. Error analysis revealed different patterns of morpho-syntactic errors depending on the type of pluralization (sound vs broken). Omissions formed the vast majority of errors in sound plurals, while substitution was the only error mechanism that occurred in broken plurals. The dissociation was statistically significant for retrieval of morpho-syntactic information (vocalic pattern) but not for lexical meaning (consonantal root), suggesting that the participants' selective impairment was an effect of the morpho-syntax of plurals. These results suggest that irregular plurals forms are stored, while regular forms are derived. The current findings support the findings from other languages and provide a new analysis technique for data from languages with non-concatenative morpho-syntax.

Differential reorganization of three syntax-related networks induced by a left frontal glioma.

The opercular/triangular parts of the left inferior frontal gyrus and the left lateral premotor cortex are critical in syntactic processing. We have recently indicated that a glioma in one of these regions is sufficient to cause agrammatic comprehension. In the present study, we aimed to show how normally existing syntax-related networks are functionally reorganized by a lesion. Twenty-one patients with a left frontal glioma preoperatively performed a picture-sentence matching task, and underwent functional magnetic resonance imaging scans in an event-related design. We established two qualitatively different types of agrammatic comprehension, depending on glioma location. Patients with a glioma in the left lateral premotor cortex had a more profound deficit in the comprehension of scrambled sentences than that of active and passive sentences. In contrast, patients with a glioma in the opercular/triangular parts of the left inferior frontal gyrus had a more profound deficit in the comprehension of passive and scrambled sentences than that of active sentences. Moreover, we found dramatic changes in the activation patterns in these two patient groups, which accompanied abnormal overactivity and/or underactivity in the syntax-related regions. Furthermore, by examining functional connectivity in the normal brain, we identified three syntax-related networks among those regions, and anatomically visualized connections within individual networks by using diffusion tensor imaging. The first network consists of the opercular/triangular parts of the left inferior frontal gyrus, left intraparietal sulcus, right frontal regions, presupplementary motor area, and right temporal regions. These regions were overactivated in the patients with a glioma in the left lateral premotor cortex only for correct responses, indicating a cognitive change. The second network consists of the left lateral premotor cortex, left angular gyrus, lingual gyrus, and cerebellar nuclei. These regions were overactivated in the patients with a glioma in the opercular/triangular parts of the left inferior frontal gyrus for both correct and incorrect responses, indicating a neuronal change. The third network consists of the left ventral frontal and posterior temporal regions. These regions were underactivated in the patients with a glioma in the opercular/triangular parts of the left inferior frontal gyrus, indicating another neuronal change. These results demonstrate that agrammatic comprehension is associated with the global reorganization of functionally distinct networks, which indeed reflects a differential change in the relative contribution of these three networks to normal syntax-related functions.

A Systematic Review on methods of evaluate sentence production deficits in agrammatic aphasia patients: Validity and Reliability issues.

BACKGROUND: The grammar assessment in aphasia has been done by few standard tests, but today these tests cannot precise evaluate the sentence production in agrammatic patients. In this study, we review structures and contents of tests or tasks designed to find more frequent methods for sentence production ability in aphasia patients. MATERIALS AND METHODS: We searched the Cochrane library, Medline by PubMed, Science Direct, Scopus, and Google Scholar from 1980 to October 1, 2013 and evaluated all of exist tests or tasks included in the articles and systematic reviews. The sentence production has been studied in three methods. It contains the use of sentence production in spontaneous speech, tasks designed and both methods. The quality of studies was assessed using Critical Appraisal Skills Program. RESULTS: The 160 articles were reviewed and 38 articles were studied according to inclusion and exclusion criteria. They were classified into three categories based on assessment methods of sentence production. In 39.5% studies, researchers have used tasks designed, 7.9% articles have applied spontaneous speech and 52.6% articles have used both methods for evaluation production. Inter-rater reliability was between 90% and 100% and intra-rater reliability was between 96% and 98% in studied. CONCLUSION: Agrammatic aphasia has syntax disorders, especially in sentence production. Most researchers and clinicians used both methods for evaluation production.

Treatment of verb tense inflection and sentence production in Persian individuals with agrammatism.

Production of verb morphology, especially tense inflection, is usually impaired in individuals with agrammatism. There have been relatively few studies on treatment of verb tense inflection in agrammatic aphasia. In this study we adapted ACTION (a linguistically motivated treatment) to Persian language, to treat the production of regular and irregular verbs separately in sentence context. A single-subject multiple-baseline across behaviors design was used to establish the treatment effect. Using a non-probable convenience sampling, four Persian agrammatic patients with Broca's aphasia resulting from cerebrovascular accident (CVA) were recruited for this study. Two participants received treatment first for regular verbs (Phase 1, 4 weeks), and then for irregular verbs (Phase 2, 4 weeks). The other two participants received treatment in reverse order. In the final phase of treatment (Phase 3, 4 weeks), all 4 participants underwent a sentence construction treatment. All participants showed improvement in the production of trained tenses. Treatment also generalized to production of untrained regular verbs while generalization to irregular verbs was modest. Furthermore, improvement was found on narrative scores (e.g. MLU) after treatment. These findings suggest that Persian individuals with agrammatism could be trained to correctly apply temporal information to verb inflection in elicited speech.

Time reference in aphasia: are there differences between tenses and aphasia fluency type? A systematic review and individual participant data meta-analysis.

Time reference is used to build the temporal framework of discourse and is essential in ensuring efficient communication. Several studies have reported time reference deficits in fluent and non-fluent aphasia and have shown that tenses (past, present, future) are not all impaired to the same extent. However, there is little consensus on the dissociations between tenses, and the question of the influence of the type of aphasia (fluent vs. non-fluent) on time reference remains open. Therefore, a systematic review and an individual participant data meta-analysis (or mega-analysis) were conducted to determine (1) whether one tense is more impaired than another in fluent and non-fluent aphasia and, if so, (2) which task and speaker-related factors moderate tense effects. The systematic review resulted in 35 studies reporting the performance in time reference of 392 participants. The mega-analysis was then performed on 23 studies for a total of 232 participants and showed an alteration of past tense compared to present and future tenses in both types of aphasia. The analysis also showed a task and an age effect on time reference but no gender effect, independently of tenses. These results add to our knowledge of time reference in aphasia and have implications for future therapies.

Assessment of verb and sentence processing deficits in stroke-induced aphasia: the Italian version of the Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS-I).

Background: The Northwestern Assessment of Verbs and Sentences (NAVS) assesses verb and sentence production and comprehension in aphasia. Results from the original English version and from its adaptation to German have shown that the NAVS is able to capture effects of verb-argument structure (VAS) complexity (i.e., lower accuracy for two- and three-argument vs. one-argument verbs) and syntactic complexity (i.e., lower accuracy for non-canonical vs. canonical sentences) in both agrammatic participants and individuals with mild (residual) forms of aphasia. The NAVS has been recently adapted to Italian (NAVS-I) and tested on a group of healthy participants, with results showing longer reaction times to complex vs. simple verbs and sentences. Aims: The present study aimed to test the ability of NAVS-I to i) capture verb/sentence production and comprehension deficits in Italian-speaking individuals with agrammatism or with fluent aphasia, and ii) differentiate individuals with aphasia from healthy age-matched participants, with the overall goal to validate its use in clinical practice. Methods & Procedures: Forty-four healthy participants and 28 individuals with aphasia (10 with agrammatic speech production) were administered the NAVS-I, which includes tasks assessing production and comprehension of verbs requiring one, two or three arguments, as well as production and comprehension of canonical and non-canonical sentences. Outcomes & Results: On the Verb Naming Task (VNT), better production of one- (vs. two- and three-) argument verbs was found in the agrammatic group, whereas, verb production in the fluent group was solely predicted by word length and imageability. No effects of argument optionality (i.e., greater difficulty for optionally transitive verbs than for 1-argument verbs) were found. Sentence-level tasks found no differences between the agrammatic and the fluent group in production or comprehension of both canonical and non-canonical sentences; rather, sentence comprehension accuracy was predicted by demographic variables and by aphasia severity. At the individual level, performance on the NAVS-I was significantly different from that of healthy speakers in 26/28 patients. Conclusions: Data show that the NAVS-I is able to capture effects of argument structure complexity in verb production, and effects of syntactic complexity in sentence production and comprehension. In addition, our results point to verb production as the task with greater capability to differentiate agrammatism from other (fluent) forms of aphasia. The study provides support for the use of the NAVS-I in the diagnosis of aphasia, as it is able to detect language deficits at the individual level, even in participants with mild (residual) forms of aphasia.

Damage to left anterior temporal cortex predicts impairment of complex syntactic processing: a lesion-symptom mapping study.

Sentence processing problems form a common consequence of left-hemisphere brain injury, in some patients to such an extent that their pattern of language performance is characterized as "agrammatic". However, the location of left-hemisphere damage that causes such problems remains controversial. It has been suggested that the critical site for syntactic processing is Broca's area of the frontal cortex or, alternatively, that a more widely distributed network is responsible for syntactic processing. The aim of this study was to identify brain regions that are required for successful sentence processing. Voxel-based lesion-symptom mapping (VLSM) was used to identify brain regions where injury predicted impaired sentence processing in 50 native speakers of Icelandic with left-hemisphere stroke. Sentence processing was assessed by having individuals identify which picture corresponded to a verbally presented sentence. The VLSM analysis revealed that impaired sentence processing was best predicted by damage to a large left-hemisphere temporo-parieto-occipital area. This is likely due to the multimodal nature of the sentence processing task, which involves auditory and visual analysis, as well as lexical and syntactic processing. Specifically impaired processing of noncanonical sentence types, when compared with canonical sentence processing, was associated with damage to the left-hemisphere anterior superior and middle temporal gyri and the temporal pole. Anterior temporal cortex, therefore, appears to play a crucial role in syntactic processing, and patients with brain damage to this area are more likely to present with receptive agrammatism than patients in which anterior temporal cortex is spared.

Less is more in language production: an information-theoretic analysis of agrammatism in primary progressive aphasia.

Agrammatism is a disorder of language production characterized by short, simplified sentences, the omission of function words, an increased use of nouns over verbs and a higher use of heavy verbs. Despite observing these phenomena for decades, the accounts of agrammatism have not converged. Here, we propose and test the hypothesis that the lexical profile of agrammatism results from a process that opts for words with a lower frequency of occurrence to increase lexical information. Furthermore, we hypothesize that this process is a compensatory response to patients' core deficit in producing long, complex sentences. In this cross-sectional study, we analysed speech samples of patients with primary progressive aphasia (n = 100) and healthy speakers (n = 65) as they described a picture. The patient cohort included 34 individuals with the non-fluent variant, 41 with the logopenic variant and 25 with the semantic variant of primary progressive aphasia. We first analysed a large corpus of spoken language and found that the word types preferred by patients with agrammatism tend to have lower frequencies of occurrence than less preferred words. We then conducted a computational simulation to examine the impact of word frequency on lexical information as measured by entropy. We found that strings of words that exclude highly frequent words have a more uniform word distribution, thereby increasing lexical entropy. To test whether the lexical profile of agrammatism results from their inability to produce long sentences, we asked healthy speakers to produce short sentences during the picture description task. We found that, under this constrained condition, a similar lexical profile of agrammatism emerged in the short sentences of healthy individuals, including fewer function words, more nouns than verbs and more heavy verbs than light verbs. This lexical profile of short sentences resulted in their lower average word frequency than unconstrained sentences. We extended this finding by showing that, in general, shorter sentences get packaged with lower-frequency words as a basic property of efficient language production, evident in the language of healthy speakers and all primary progressive aphasia variants.

Grammatical Parallelism in Aphasia: A Lesion-Symptom Mapping Study.

Sentence structure, or syntax, is potentially a uniquely creative aspect of the human mind. Neuropsychological experiments in the 1970s suggested parallel syntactic production and comprehension deficits in agrammatic Broca's aphasia, thought to result from damage to syntactic mechanisms in Broca's area in the left frontal lobe. This hypothesis was sometimes termed overarching agrammatism, converging with developments in linguistic theory concerning central syntactic mechanisms supporting language production and comprehension. However, the evidence supporting an association among receptive syntactic deficits, expressive agrammatism, and damage to frontal cortex is equivocal. In addition, the relationship among a distinct grammatical production deficit in aphasia, paragrammatism, and receptive syntax has not been assessed. We used lesion-symptom mapping in three partially overlapping groups of left-hemisphere stroke patients to investigate these issues: grammatical production deficits in a primary group of 53 subjects and syntactic comprehension in larger sample sizes (N = 130, 218) that overlapped with the primary group. Paragrammatic production deficits were significantly associated with multiple analyses of syntactic comprehension, particularly when incorporating lesion volume as a covariate, but agrammatic production deficits were not. The lesion correlates of impaired performance of syntactic comprehension were significantly associated with damage to temporal lobe regions, which were also implicated in paragrammatism, but not with the inferior and middle frontal regions implicated in expressive agrammatism. Our results provide strong evidence against the overarching agrammatism hypothesis. By contrast, our results suggest the possibility of an alternative grammatical parallelism hypothesis rooted in paragrammatism and a central syntactic system in the posterior temporal lobe.