State COVID-19 Policies and Drug Overdose Mortality Among Working-Age Adults in the United States, 2020.

Objectives. To identify relationships between US states' COVID-19 in-person activity limitation and economic support policies and drug overdose deaths among working-age adults in 2020. Methods. We used county-level data on 140 435 drug overdoses among adults aged 25 to 64 years during January 2019 to December 2020 from the National Vital Statistics System and data on states' COVID-19 policies from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker to assess US trends in overdose deaths by sex in 3138 counties. Results. Policies limiting in-person activities significantly increased, whereas economic support policies significantly decreased, overdose rates. A 1-unit increase in policies restricting activities predicted a 15% average monthly increase in overdose rates for men (incident rate ratio [IRR] = 1.15; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.09, 1.20) and a 14% increase for women (IRR = 1.14; 95% CI = 1.09, 1.20). A 1-unit increase in economic support policies predicted a 3% average monthly decrease for men (IRR = 0.97; 95% CI = 0.95, 1.00) and a 4% decrease for women (IRR = 0.96; 95% CI = 0.93, 0.99). All states' policy combinations are predicted to have increased drug-poisoning mortality. Conclusions. The economic supports that states enacted were insufficient to fully mitigate the adverse relationship between activity limitations and drug overdoses. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(7):714-722. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2024.307621).

US State Policy Contexts and Population Health.

Policy Points This Perspective connects the dots between the polarization in US states' policy contexts and the divergence in population health across states. Key interlocking forces that fueled this polarization are the political investments of wealthy individuals and organizations and the nationalization of US political parties. Key policy priorities for the next decade include ensuring all Americans have opportunities for economic security, deterring behaviors that kill or injure hundreds of thousands of Americans each year, and protecting voting rights and democratic functioning.

Electoral Democracy and Working-Age Mortality.

Policy Points The erosion of electoral democracy in the United States in recent decades may have contributed to the high and rising working-age mortality rates, which predate the COVID-19 pandemic. Eroding electoral democracy in a US state was associated with higher working-age mortality from homicide, suicide, and especially from drug poisoning and infectious disease. State and federal efforts to strengthen electoral democracy, such as banning partisan gerrymandering, improving voter enfranchisement, and reforming campaign finance laws, could potentially avert thousands of deaths each year among working-age adults. CONTEXT: Working-age mortality rates are high and rising in the United States, an alarming fact that predates the COVID-19 pandemic. Although several reasons for the high and rising rates have been hypothesized, the potential role of democratic erosion has been overlooked. This study examined the association between electoral democracy and working-age mortality and assessed how economic, behavioral, and social factors may have contributed to it. METHODS: We used the State Democracy Index (SDI), an annual summary of each state's electoral democracy from 2000 to 2018. We merged the SDI with annual age-adjusted mortality rates for adults 25-64 years in each state. Models estimated the association between the SDI and working-age mortality (from all causes and six specific causes) within states, adjusting for political party control, safety net generosity, union coverage, immigrant population, and stable characteristics of states. We assessed whether economic (income, unemployment), behavioral (alcohol consumption, sleep), and social (marriage, violent crime, incarceration) factors accounted for the association. FINDINGS: Increasing electoral democracy in a state from a moderate level (defined as the third quintile of the SDI distribution) to a high level (defined as the fifth quintile) was associated with an estimated 3.2% and 2.7% lower mortality rate among working-age men and women, respectively, over the next year. Increasing electoral democracy in all states from the third to the fifth quintile of the SDI distribution may have resulted in 20,408 fewer working-age deaths in 2019. The democracy-mortality association mainly reflected social factors and, to a lesser extent, health behaviors. Increasing electoral democracy in a state was mostly strongly associated with lower mortality from drug poisoning and infectious diseases, followed by reductions in homicide and suicide. CONCLUSIONS: Erosion of electoral democracy is a threat to population health. This study adds to growing evidence that electoral democracy and population health are inextricably linked.

Affordable Care Act Medicaid expansions and maternal morbidity.

In this paper, we test whether the Affordable Care Act Medicaid expansions are associated with maternal morbidity. The ACA expansions may have affected maternal morbidity by increasing pre-conception access to health care, and by improving the quality of delivery care, through enhancing hospitals' financial positions. We use difference-in-difference models in conjunction with event studies. Data come from individual-level birth certificates and state-level hospital discharge data. The results show little evidence that the expansions are associated with overall maternal morbidity or indicators of specific adverse events including eclampsia, ruptured uterus, and unplanned hysterectomy. The results are consistent with prior research showing that the ACA Medicaid expansions are not statistically associated with pre-pregnancy health or maternal health during pregnancy. Our results add to this story and find little evidence of improvements in maternal health upon delivery.

US State Disparities in Life Expectancy, Disability-Free Life Expectancy, and Disabled Life Expectancy Among Adults Aged 25 to 89 Years.

Objectives. To estimate total life expectancy (TLE), disability-free life expectancy (DFLE), and disabled life expectancy (DLE) by US state for women and men aged 25 to 89 years and examine the cross-state patterns.Methods. We used data from the 2013-2017 American Community Survey and the 2017 US Mortality Database to calculate state-specific TLE, DFLE, and DLE by gender for US adults and hypothetical worst- and best-case scenarios.Results. For men and women, DFLEs and DLEs varied widely by state. Among women, DFLE ranged from 45.8 years in West Virginia to 52.5 years in Hawaii, a 6.7-year gap. Men had a similar range. The gap in DLEs across states was 2.4 years for women and 1.6 years for men. The correlation among DFLE, DLE, and TLE was particularly strong in southern states. The South is doubly disadvantaged: residents have shorter lives and spend a greater proportion of those lives with disability.Conclusions. The stark variation in DFLE and DLE across states highlights the large health inequalities present today across the United States, which have significant implications for individuals' well-being and US states' financial costs and medical care burden.

Effects of US state preemption laws on infant mortality.

Studies show that raising the minimum wage in a US state above the federal minimum wage can reduce infant mortality rates in those states. Some states have raised their minimum wage in recent decades, while many others did not, and have prohibited local authorities from doing so by enacting preemption laws. This study investigates how the recent emergence of state preemption laws that remove local authority to raise the minimum wage has affected infant mortality rates. Using county- and state- level data spanning 2001 through 2018, this study models infant mortality rates as a function of minimum wage levels, controlling for confounders. The estimated model, combined with information on the timing, location, and level of preempted minimum wages, is then used to estimate the number of infant deaths that occurred in 2018 that could be attributed to state preemption of local minimum wage increases. In the 9 largest (pop. > 250,000) metro counties most directly affected by state preemption, we estimate that in 2018, 25 infant deaths were attributable to preemption. This equates to a 5.4% reduction in these counties' infant mortality rate. When considering all large metro counties in preemption states, as many as 605 infant deaths could be attributed to preemption. State preemption laws that remove local authority to enact health-promoting legislation, such as minimum wage increases, are a significant threat to population health. The growing tide of these laws, particularly since 2010, may be contributing to recent troubling trends in US life expectancy.

US State Polarization, Policymaking Power, and Population Health.

Policy Points Explanations for the troubling trend in US life expectancy since the 1980s should be grounded in the dynamic changes in policies and political landscapes. Efforts to reverse this trend and put US life expectancy on par with other high-income countries must address those factors. Of prime importance are the shifts in the balance of policymaking power in the United States, the polarization of state policy contexts, and the forces behind those changes.

Equity First: Conceptualizing a Normative Framework to Assess the Role of Preemption in Public Health.

Policy Points Preemption is a legal doctrine whereby a higher level of government may limit or even eliminate the power of a lower level of government to regulate a certain issue. Some state legislatures are using preemption with increasing regularity to thwart local policies that have the potential to reduce health inequities. Despite recent trends, preemption is not inherently adversarial to public health, equity, or good governance but rather reflects its wielder's goals and values. Existing frameworks for assessing preemption fail to reconcile its potential to both advance and hinder health equity. An equity-first preemption framework can facilitate case-by-case assessments of whether preemption is likely to worsen inequities or whether it is an appropriate response to address existing inequities. Robust empirical evidence is needed to develop and operationalize such a framework. CONTEXT: Due to the inequitable distribution of various social determinants of health, disparities in health and well-being are tied to where an individual lives. In the United States, a zip code often better predicts a person's health than their genetic code. As communities seek to redress these inequities, many find that, due to state preemption, their zip code also dictates their ability to pursue more equitable laws through local government action. Preemption is a legal doctrine whereby a higher level of government may limit or even eliminate the power of a lower level of government to regulate a certain issue. METHODS: We conducted a literature review to survey existing scholarship about the effects of preemption on public health and health equity using online databases such as PubMed, WestLaw, and Google Scholar. We also cohosted a series of cross-sector, interdisciplinary research convenings with preemption, public health, and equity experts. Based on our findings, this article reviews the role of law and policy in the genesis of health inequities and highlights how preemption has both created and alleviated such inequities. We demonstrate how a normative framework rooted in redressing health inequities can advance a more just approach to preemption and outline a research agenda to support future action. FINDINGS: Law and policy have been central to creating health inequities, and while those same tools can promote health equity, some state legislatures are using preemption with increasing regularity to thwart local policies that may improve health and equity. Nevertheless, preemption is not inherently adversarial to public health, equity, or good governance. Preemptive federal civil rights laws, for example, have countered government-sanctioned discrimination. However, existing frameworks for assessing preemption fail to reconcile its potential to both advance and hinder health equity. CONCLUSIONS: Shortcomings in existing preemption frameworks demonstrate the need for new approaches to elevate equity as a central consideration in assessing preemption. We propose the development of an equity-first preemption framework to establish evidence-based criteria for assessing when preemption will enhance or inhibit equity and a research agenda for developing the evidence necessary to inform and operationalize the framework. An equity-first reconceptualization of preemption can help ensure that local governments remain places of innovation while allowing states and the federal government to block local actions that are likely to create or perpetuate inequities.

US State Policies, Politics, and Life Expectancy.

Policy Points Changes in US state policies since the 1970s, particularly after 2010, have played an important role in the stagnation and recent decline in US life expectancy. Some US state policies appear to be key levers for improving life expectancy, such as policies on tobacco, labor, immigration, civil rights, and the environment. US life expectancy is estimated to be 2.8 years longer among women and 2.1 years longer among men if all US states enjoyed the health advantages of states with more liberal policies, which would put US life expectancy on par with other high-income countries. CONTEXT: Life expectancy in the United States has increased little in previous decades, declined in recent years, and become more unequal across US states. Those trends were accompanied by substantial changes in the US policy environment, particularly at the state level. State policies affect nearly every aspect of people's lives, including economic well-being, social relationships, education, housing, lifestyles, and access to medical care. This study examines the extent to which the state policy environment may have contributed to the troubling trends in US life expectancy. METHODS: We merged annual data on life expectancy for US states from 1970 to 2014 with annual data on 18 state-level policy domains such as tobacco, environment, tax, and labor. Using the 45 years of data and controlling for differences in the characteristics of states and their populations, we modeled the association between state policies and life expectancy, and assessed how changes in those policies may have contributed to trends in US life expectancy from 1970 through 2014. FINDINGS: Results show that changes in life expectancy during 1970-2014 were associated with changes in state policies on a conservative-liberal continuum, where more liberal policies expand economic regulations and protect marginalized groups. States that implemented more conservative policies were more likely to experience a reduction in life expectancy. We estimated that the shallow upward trend in US life expectancy from 2010 to 2014 would have been 25% steeper for women and 13% steeper for men had state policies not changed as they did. We also estimated that US life expectancy would be 2.8 years longer among women and 2.1 years longer among men if all states enjoyed the health advantages of states with more liberal policies. CONCLUSIONS: Understanding and reversing the troubling trends and growing inequalities in US life expectancy requires attention to US state policy contexts, their dynamic changes in recent decades, and the forces behind those changes. Changes in US political and policy contexts since the 1970s may undergird the deterioration of Americans' health and longevity.

POLICY POLARIZATION AND DEATH IN THE UNITED STATES.

The United States currently ranks last among high-income countries for life expectancy. Since 2014, U.S. life expectancy has declined. By now, these alarming trends are well known to researchers, the public, and policymakers. Nevertheless, there is no consensus among researchers on the causes of the trends, and there has been no serious and effective bipartisan effort to solve the problem. The dominant narrative has implicated Americans' behaviors, such as smoking, illicit drug use, and suicide; yet, this narrative is misguided and counterproductive. It also exonerates the key structural drivers of behaviors and health, namely the U.S. policy context and the outsized influence of corporations and big donors on those policies. The U.S. policy context has changed dramatically since the 1970s, particularly at the state level. State policies have hyperpolarized along partisan lines. These changes have likely had a profound impact on nearly every aspect of Americans' lives, cutting short many of them. Consequently, this Essay argues that state policies increasingly affect life and death in the United States. It raises concerns about how the polarization of state policies will further deteriorate the health of many Americans. It points to three significant forces behind the polarization and the growing importance of state policy contexts on Americans' lives-(1) New Federalism; (2) the new type of state preemption laws; and (3) the emergence of organizations, such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, through which corporations and big donors influence policies.

Educational Disparities in Adult Mortality Across U.S. States: How Do They Differ, and Have They Changed Since the Mid-1980s?

Adult mortality varies greatly by educational attainment. Explanations have focused on actions and choices made by individuals, neglecting contextual factors such as economic and policy environments. This study takes an important step toward explaining educational disparities in U.S. adult mortality and their growth since the mid-1980s by examining them across U.S. states. We analyzed data on adults aged 45-89 in the 1985-2011 National Health Interview Survey Linked Mortality File (721,448 adults; 225,592 deaths). We compared educational disparities in mortality in the early twenty-first century (1999-2011) with those of the late twentieth century (1985-1998) for 36 large-sample states, accounting for demographic covariates and birth state. We found that disparities vary considerably by state: in the early twenty-first century, the greater risk of death associated with lacking a high school credential, compared with having completed at least one year of college, ranged from 40 % in Arizona to 104 % in Maryland. The size of the disparities varies across states primarily because mortality associated with low education varies. Between the two periods, higher-educated adult mortality declined to similar levels across most states, but lower-educated adult mortality decreased, increased, or changed little, depending on the state. Consequently, educational disparities in mortality grew over time in many, but not all, states, with growth most common in the South and Midwest. The findings provide new insights into the troubling trends and disparities in U.S. adult mortality.

Disparities in Disability by Educational Attainment Across US States.

OBJECTIVES: To examine how disparities in adult disability by educational attainment vary across US states. METHODS: We used the nationally representative data of more than 6 million adults aged 45 to 89 years in the 2010-2014 American Community Survey. We defined disability as difficulty with activities of daily living. We categorized education as low (less than high school), mid (high school or some college), or high (bachelor's or higher). We estimated age-standardized disability prevalence by educational attainment and state. We assessed whether the variation in disability across states occurs primarily among low-educated adults and whether it reflects the socioeconomic resources of low-educated adults and their surrounding contexts. RESULTS: Disparities in disability by education vary markedly across states-from a 20 percentage point disparity in Massachusetts to a 12-point disparity in Wyoming. Disparities vary across states mainly because the prevalence of disability among low-educated adults varies across states. Personal and contextual socioeconomic resources of low-educated adults account for 29% of the variation. CONCLUSIONS: Efforts to reduce disparities in disability by education should consider state and local strategies that reduce poverty among low-educated adults and their surrounding contexts.

Childhood socioeconomic circumstances and depressive symptom burden across 15 years of follow-up during midlife: Study of Women's Health Across the Nation (SWAN).

Childhood socioeconomic disadvantage may contribute to adult depression. Understanding pathways by which early socioeconomic adversity may shape adult depression is important for identifying areas for intervention. Studies to date have focused on one potential pathway, adult socioeconomic status (SES), and assessed depression at only one or a few time points. Our aims were to examine (a) the association between childhood SES (low vs. high) and depressive symptom burden in midlife and (b) whether adult socioeconomic, psychosocial, and physical health characteristics are important pathways. Using annual data from a cohort of 1109 black and white US women recruited in 1996-1997, we evaluated the association between childhood SES and depressive symptom burden across 15 years in midlife and whether adult characteristics-financial difficulty, lower education, stressful events, low social support, low role functioning, medical conditions, and bodily pain-mediated the association. Depressive symptom burden was estimated by calculating area under the curve of annual scores across 15 years of the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression (CES-D). In unadjusted models, low childhood SES was associated with greater depressive burden (P = 0.0002). Each hypothesized mediator, individually, did not reduce the association. However, when five of the hypothesized mediators were included together in the same analysis, they explained more than two thirds of the association between childhood SES and depressive symptom burden reducing the P value for childhood SES to non-significance (P = 0.20). These results suggest that childhood SES influences midlife depressive symptom burden through a cluster of economic stress, limited social resources, and physical symptoms in adulthood.

Childhood Socioeconomic Circumstances, Inflammation, and Hemostasis Among Midlife Women: Study of Women's Health Across the Nation.

BACKGROUND: Childhood socioeconomic status (SES) is related to risk for cardiovascular disease in adulthood, perhaps, in part, due to associations with inflammatory and hemostasis processes. We tested the hypotheses that childhood SES is related to C-reactive protein (CRP), fibrinogen, factor VIIc, and plasminogen activator inhibitor-1 (PAI-1) in midlife women and that the associations are mediated by adult SES and/or adult body mass index (BMI). METHODS: Using data from the prospective Study of Women's Health Across the Nation, we classified 1067 black and white women into 3 multidimensional childhood SES groups based on latent class analysis. Biological measures were assessed across 7 years along with covariates and mediators and analyzed by mixed regression models, followed by tests for mediation. RESULTS: Compared with women raised in high SES families, those from the lowest SES families had higher levels of CRP (b [standard error] = 0.37 [0.11]), PAI-1 (b = 0.23 [0.07]) factor VIIc (b = 0.05 [0.02]), and fibrinogen (b = 11.06 [4.89]), after adjustment for ethnicity, site, age, ratings of health between ages 11 and 18 years, visit, smoking status, menopausal status, stroke or heart attack, medications, and hormone use. Introduction of adult SES and BMI into the models reduced the childhood SES associations to nonsignificance for all four measures. Indirect mediation was apparent for adult education and BMI for CRP, and BMI for PAI-1. CONCLUSIONS: Women raised in lower SES families had elevated markers of inflammation and hemostasis, in part, due to elevated BMI and education in adulthood.

Trends in the educational gradient of mortality among US adults aged 45 to 84 years: bringing regional context into the explanation.

OBJECTIVES: We investigated trends in the educational gradient of US adult mortality, which has increased at the national level since the mid-1980s, within US regions. METHODS: We used data from the 1986-2006 National Health Interview Survey Linked Mortality File on non-Hispanic White and Black adults aged 45 to 84 years (n = 498,517). We examined trends in the gradient within 4 US regions by race-gender subgroup by using age-standardized death rates. RESULTS: Trends in the gradient exhibited a few subtle regional differences. Among women, the gradient was often narrowest in the Northeast. The region's distinction grew over time mainly because low-educated women in the Northeast did not experience a significant increase in mortality like their counterparts in other regions (particularly for White women). Among White men, the gradient narrowed to a small degree in the West. CONCLUSIONS: The subtle regional differences indicate that geographic context can accentuate or suppress trends in the gradient. Studies of smaller areas may provide insights into the specific contextual characteristics (e.g., state tax policies) that have shaped the trends, and thus help explain and reverse the widening mortality disparities among US adults.

Stability and Volatility in the Contextual Predictors of Working-Age Mortality in the United States.

The contextual predictors of mortality in the United States are well documented, but the COVID-19 pandemic may have upended those associations. Informed by the social history of disease framework (SHDF), this study examined how the importance of county contexts on adult deaths from all causes, drug poisonings, and COVID-19-related causes fluctuated during the pandemic. Using 2018 to 2021 vital statistics data, for each quarter, we estimated associations between county-level deaths among adults ages 25 to 64 and prepandemic county-level contexts (economic conditions, racial-ethnic composition, population health profile, and physician supply). The pandemic significantly elevated the importance of county contexts-particularly median household income and counties' preexisting health profile-on all-cause and drug poisoning deaths. The elevated importance of household income may be long-lasting. Contextual inequalities in COVID-19-related deaths rose and then fell, as the SHDF predicts, but rose again along with socio-political disruptions. The findings support and extend the SHDF.

Trends in mortality risk by education level and cause of death among US White women from 1986 to 2006.

OBJECTIVES: To elucidate why the inverse association between education level and mortality risk (the gradient) has increased markedly among White women since the mid-1980s, we identified causes of death for which the gradient increased. METHODS: We used data from the 1986 to 2006 National Health Interview Survey Linked Mortality File on non-Hispanic White women aged 45 to 84 years (n = 230 692). We examined trends in the gradient by cause of death across 4 time periods and 4 education levels using age-standardized death rates. RESULTS: During 1986 to 2002, the growing gradient for all-cause mortality reflected increasing mortality among low-educated women and declining mortality among college-educated women; during 2003 to 2006 it mainly reflected declining mortality among college-educated women. The gradient increased for heart disease, lung cancer, chronic lower respiratory disease, cerebrovascular disease, diabetes, and Alzheimer's disease. Lung cancer and chronic lower respiratory disease explained 47% of the overall increase. CONCLUSIONS: Mortality disparities among White women widened across 1986 to 2006 partially because of causes of death for which smoking is a major risk factor. A comprehensive policy framework should address the social conditions that influence smoking among disadvantaged women.

Income Inequality and Population Health: Examining the Role of Social Policy.

Studies of the relationship between income inequality and life expectancy often speculate about the role of policy, but direct empirical research is limited. Drawing on the neo-materialist perspective, we examine whether the longitudinal association between income inequality and life expectancy is mediated and moderated by policy liberalism in U.S. states (2000-2014). More liberal policy contexts are characterized by greater efforts to regulate the economy, redistribute income, and protect vulnerable groups and lesser efforts to penalize deviant social behavior. We find that state-level income inequality is inversely associated with policy liberalism and life expectancy. The association between income inequality and life expectancy was not mediated by policy liberalism but was moderated by it. The association is attenuated in states with more liberal policy contexts, supporting the neo-materialist perspective. This finding illustrates how states like New York and California (with liberal policy contexts) can exhibit high income inequality and high life expectancy.