Attachment and Political Personality are Heritable and Distinct Systems, and Both Share Genetics with Interpersonal Trust and Altruism.

The attachment and caregiving domains maintain proximity and care-giving behavior between parents and offspring, in a way that has been argued to shape people's mental models of how relationships work, resulting in secure, anxious or avoidant interpersonal styles in adulthood. Several theorists have suggested that the attachment system is closely connected to orientations and behaviors in social and political domains, which should be grounded in the same set of familial experiences as are the different attachment styles. We use a sample of Norwegian twins (N = 1987) to assess the genetic and environmental relationship between attachment, trust, altruism, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and social dominance orientation (SDO). Results indicate no shared environmental overlap between attachment and ideology, nor even between the attachment styles or between the ideological traits, challenging conventional wisdom in developmental, social, and political psychology. Rather, evidence supports two functionally distinct systems, one for navigating intimate relationships (attachment) and one for navigating social hierarchies (RWA/SDO), with genetic overlap between traits within each system, and two distinct genetic linkages to trust and altruism. This is counter-posed to theoretical perspectives that link attachment, ideology, and interpersonal orientations through early relational experiences.

Attitudes Toward Cisgender Women's Participation in Sex Work: Opportunity for Agency or Harmful Exchange?

Despite the stigmatization of sex work in society, little empirical research has examined attitudes toward sex work, especially its modern incarnations (e.g., sugar relationships, webcamming). Here, a sample of 298 US residents (Mage = 40.06 years; 59.1% male, 40.9% female) was recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk. Various theoretical predictors (e.g., right-wing authoritarianism [RWA]), sociosexuality) were set to predict the degree to which four sex work domains (prostitution, pornography, sugar relationships, webcamming) provide cisgender women agency (beneficial) or harm them (detrimental). We found that the domains of sex work were organized hierarchically, as theorized by the so-called "whorearchy," whereby the more "unfavorable" domains (e.g., prostitution) fall at the bottom, and the more "favorable" ones (e.g., webcamming) sit at the top. Additionally, multiple regression analyses revealed that RWA (negatively) and sociosexuality (positively) were the strongest predictors of sex work agency across various domains. In predicting harm, RWA, feminism, religiosity, and age were unique positive predictors, whereas sociosexuality and male (vs. female) self-identified sex were unique negative predictors, across the four domains of sex work. Moreover, individual differences (e.g., RWA) were often significantly stronger predictors of agency or harm among female than male participants. The results suggest that although sex work domains vary in agency and harm ratings, individual differences (most notably, RWA and sociosexuality) are important predictors across domains, especially for cisgender women. Given the growing prevalence of such online forms of sex work, along with growing evidence of sugar relationships, it will become increasingly important to track reactions as these forms of sex work evolve.

Parenting style and child mental health at preschool age: evidence from rural China.

BACKGROUND: Mental health problems among children at preschool age are a common issue across the world. As shown in literature, a caregiver's parenting style can play a critical role in child development. This study aims to examine the associations between a caregiver's parenting style and the mental health problems (or not) of their child when he/she is at preschool age in rural China. METHODS: Participants were children, aged 49 to 65 months, and their primary caregivers. The primary caregivers of the sample children completed the Parenting Styles and Dimensions Questionnaire, Short Version, the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, and a questionnaire that elicited their socio-demographic characteristics. The level of cognitive development of each sample child was assessed using the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence, Fourth Edition. Pearson correlation analysis, linear regression analysis, and multivariable regression analysis were used to analyze the data. RESULTS: The prevalence of mental health problems among sample children at preschool age was high (31.6%). If a caregiver practices an authoritative parenting style, it was found to be negatively associated with the mental health problems of their child. In contrast, a caregiver's authoritarian parenting style was positively associated with the mental health problems of their child. Compared to those in a subgroup of primary caregivers that used a combination of low authoritative and low authoritarian parenting style, primary caregivers that used a combination of high authoritarian and low authoritative or a combination of high authoritative and high authoritarian were found to have positive association with child health problems. A number of demographic characteristics were found to be associated with the adoption of different parenting styles. CONCLUSION: Different parenting styles (including authoritative, authoritarian, and combination of authoritative and authoritarian) of the sample caregivers had different associations with the mental health problems of the sample children. Parenting programs that aim to improve the parenting styles (favoring authoritative parenting styles) should be promoted in an effort to improve the status of child mental health in rural China.

Psychological variables linked to hesitation toward vaccination against COVID-19 among late adolescents and young adults: The role of magical thinking and right-wing authoritarianism.

INTRODUCTION: Several studies on the predisposition to be subjected to vaccination have shown that vaccine hesitation is a global phenomenon influenced by a lack of knowledge and awareness, as well as perceived risks and benefits. The purpose of this study was to investigate the mediating role of right-wing authoritarianism in the relationship between magical thinking and positive attitudes toward COVID-19 vaccines (i.e. trust of vaccine benefits, worries over unforeseen future effects, concerns about commercial profits, preference for natural immunity). METHOD: The sample consisted of 201 Italian young adults, 49 males (24.4%), and 152 females (75.6%), aged between 18 and 25. Data were collected during 2022. RESULTS: The results confirmed the role of right-wing authoritarianism as a mediator for magical thinking on positive vaccine attitudes. Findings indicated a positive association between right-wing authoritarianism and magical thinking and a negative relationship of both the aforementioned variables on positive vaccine attitudes. SEM analyses showed a direct positive association from magical thinking to right-wing authoritarianism and a direct negative association from right-wing authoritarianism to trust of vaccine benefits, to low worries over unforeseen future effects, to lack of concerns about commercial profits and to low preference for natural immunity. CONCLUSIONS: The findings highlight that common contribution of odd or magical beliefs and right-wing authoritarianism may slow the spread of vaccines among late adolescents and young adults. Our findings provide insight on what effective communication with vaccine-resistant individuals should look like in order to increase the chances of reaching vaccine-hesitant individuals.

Are All Negotiations Equally Favorable? The Role of Adolescents' Negotiation Style, Social Domain, and Mothers' Authoritarian Beliefs and Family History.

Although negotiation is generally considered an adaptive means for adolescents to express disagreement in the parent-child relationship, previous research on the correlates of adolescents' negotiation has reported rather mixed results. This may be because parents do not always positively appraise and respond to adolescents' negotiation. The key aim of the present study was to better understand variability in mothers' appraisals and responses to adolescents' negotiation attempts. This was done by examining whether their appraisals and responses vary as a function of adolescents' negotiation style, social domain, and mothers' personal characteristics (i.e., authoritarian beliefs and their own history of being parented). A total of 476 mothers of 9th and 10th grade adolescents in Belgium (Mage mothers = 44.93 years old, SD = 4.07; Mage adolescents = 14.88, SD = 0.75, 51.7% boys) participated in a vignette-based experimental study. Mothers completed questionnaires assessing authoritarian beliefs and their own history of being parented, and read a vignette-based scenario depicting an adolescent's negotiation attempt. Using a between-person 2 × 2 design, adolescents' negotiation style (autonomy-supportive versus controlling) and social domain (personal versus multifaceted) were experimentally manipulated. Mothers were more likely to positively appraise and respond in more constructive ways if adolescents adopted an autonomy-supportive instead of a controlling negotiation style, and when the situation involved a personal rather than a multifaceted issue. Mothers with high authoritarian beliefs and those with a history of being parented in a psychologically controlling way, had a more negative attitude towards adolescents' negotiation. Overall, the results suggest that the success of adolescents' negotiation depends on how, about what, and with whom they negotiate.

Nationalism, Authoritarianism, and Medical Mobilization in Post-revolutionary Egypt.

In this article, we investigate the links between medical practice and expertise, on the one hand, and nationalist discourses, on the other, in the 2011 Egyptian uprising and the years that followed, which witnessed a consolidation of authoritarianism. We ask how it is that doctors, whose social capital in part rests on their being seen as "apolitical," played a significant role in countering consecutive regimes' acts of violence and denial. We trace the trajectory of the doctors' mobilization in the 2011 uprising and beyond and demonstrate how the doctors drew on their professional expertise and nationalist sentiment in their struggles against a hypernationalistic military state. Borrowing the ideas of immanence and transcendence from religious studies and philosophy, we argue that the doctors put forth an immanent vision of the nation as a force that is manifested in the lives of its citizens, in contrast with the State's transcendent vision of nationalism, in which the nation resides outside of and beyond citizens' lives. Relying on interviews and media analysis, we show how medicine has served as a site of awakening, conversion narratives, and building of bridges in a polarized society where the doctors were able to rely on their "neutral" expertise to present themselves as reliable witnesses, narrators, and actors.

Development and Initial Validation of Two Brief Measures of Left-Wing Authoritarianism: A Machine Learning Approach.

Although authoritarianism has predominantly been studied among political conservatives, authoritarian individuals exist on both "poles" of the political spectrum. A 39-item multidimensional measure of left-wing authoritarianism, the Left-wing Authoritarianism Index, was recently developed to extend the study of authoritarianism to members of the far-left. The present study coupled a fully automated machine learning approach (i.e., a genetic algorithm) with multidimensional item response theory in a large, demographically representative American sample (N = 834) to generate and evaluate two abbreviated versions of the Left-wing Authoritarianism Index. We subsequently used a second community sample (N = 477) to conduct extensive validational tests of the abbreviated measures, which comprise 25- and 13-items. The abbreviated forms demonstrated remarkable convergence with the full LWA Index in terms of their psychometric (e.g., internal consistency) and distributional (e.g., mean, standard deviation, skew, kurtosis) properties. This convergence extended to virtually identical cross-measure patterns of correlations with 14 external criteria, including need for chaos, political violence, anomia, low institutional trust. In light of these results, the LWA-25 and LWA-13 scales appeared to function effectively as measures of LWA.

Unethical behaviour in the military: The role of supervisor ethicality, ethical climate, and right-wing authoritarianism.

Using an anonymous self-report survey of 350 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) personnel, this study investigated the effect of perceptions of the ethicality of one's immediate supervisor (supervisor ethics), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethical climate on self-reported unethical behavior in the form of discrimination and obeying an unlawful command (past behavior, behavioral intentions). As well, we investigated how supervisor ethics and RWA interact when predicting unethical behavior, and whether ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and self-reported unethical behavior. Unethical behavior depended on perceptions of the ethicality of one's supervisor and RWA. RWA predicted discrimination toward a gay man (behavioral intentions), and supervisor ethics predicted discrimination against outgroups of people, and obedience of an unlawful command (past behavior). As well, the effects of ethical supervision on discrimination (past behavior, behavioral intentions) depended on participants' level of RWA . Finally, ethical climate mediated the relation between supervisor ethics and obeying an unlawful command, such that higher perceptions of supervisor ethics led to a higher ethical climate, which led to less obedience of an unlawful command in the past. This suggests that leaders can affect the ethical climate of on organization, which in turn affects ethical behavior of followers.

Are equitable physical performance tests perceived to be fair? Understanding officer cadets' perceptions of fitness standards.

In the last few decades, the armed forces in Western countries such as Canada and the United States have accepted women into virtually all military occupations. Despite this, a growing body of research confirms that female service members face prejudiced treatment while conducting their work in these organizations that continue to be predominately masculine and male-dominated. In particular, women attending the Canadian Military Colleges (CMCs) experience gender-related conflicts arising from the dissimilar fitness test standards between male and female cadets. There have been, however, few studies that scrutinize the psychological mechanisms of these tensions. The aim of this study was to unpack the existing biased perceptions against women pertaining to physical fitness through ambivalent sexism, social dominance orientation, and right-wing authoritarianism. Officer and naval cadets (n = 167, 33.5% women) at the Royal Military College of Canada (RMC) completed survey measures. Indirect effect analyses showed that cadets who viewed the fitness standards to be unfair expressed more hostile rather than benevolent sexist outlooks against women, and these negative feelings were connected to greater levels of social dominance and right-wing authoritarianism. These results indicate that sexist beliefs, competitive worldviews, and authoritarianism are underlying attitudes that should be addressed by militaries striving to fully integrate women into their forces.

Early Adolescents Demonstrate Peer-Network Homophily in Political Attitudes and Values.

Research on political homophily has almost exclusively focused on adults, and little is known about whether political homophily is present early in life when political attitudes are forming and friendship networks are rapidly changing. We examined political homophily using a social network approach with rural middle school students (N = 213; mean age = 12.5 years; 57% female) from a remote U.S. community. Preregistered analyses indicated that early adolescents were more likely to spend time with people who shared similar political attitudes and values. These effects were most consistent for right-wing authoritarianism, patriotism, and anti-immigration attitudes. Our results show that political homophily is evident at an early age when young people are forming their political beliefs and making decisions about their friendships, suggesting that peer political-attitude socialization may emerge early in life.

Effects of Biological Determinism on Beliefs and Attitudes About Transgender People: Psychological Essentialism and Biased Assimilation.

This experimental study examined the effects of biological attributions on individuals' beliefs and attitudes toward transgender people and the moderating role of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). We randomly assigned 183 Chinese university students (men: n = 85, women: n = 98) to read one of three fictitious articles. The first article suggested that transgender identity was causally linked to biology (biological determinist condition), the second one highlighted the interplay between biological and environmental factors (epigenetic condition), whereas the third article did not mention the origins of transgender identity (control condition). Consistent with the biased assimilation hypothesis, the effects of biological attributions depended on individual differences in RWA. Low-RWA participants showed higher levels of naturalness and discreteness/homogeneity beliefs about transgender identity in the biological determinist condition than those in the control condition. By contrast, high-RWA participants displayed higher levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs but similar levels of naturalness beliefs when they read the biological determinist message compared with the control group. Low-RWA participants showed higher levels of naturalness but similar levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs in the epigenetic condition compared with the control, whereas high-RWA participants exhibited lower levels of naturalness and higher levels of discreteness/homogeneity beliefs when they read the epigenetic message compared with the control group. This study also suggests that, contrary to attribution theory, presenting information regarding the biological basis of transgender identity does not necessarily lead to more positive attitudes because (a) it triggers essentialist thinking and (b) the effects of biological attributions depend on recipients' authoritarian dispositions.

Religious fundamentalism, right-wing authoritarianism, and meaning in life.

OBJECTIVE: Two studies examined the relationship between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and religious fundamentalism (RF), and tested their unique contributions to meaning in life (MIL). METHOD: We recruited Amazon Mechanical Turk Participants located in the United States. Studies 1 (N = 827) included measures of RWA, RF, and global MIL. Study 2 (N = 809) additionally included measures of the facets of global MIL (existential significance, purpose, and coherence), and intrinsic religiosity. RESULTS: In both studies, RWA, RF, and MIL were positively correlated. Partial correlations and structural equation modeling showed that, when modeled together, RF significantly contributes to MIL and RWA facets were either unrelated or negatively related. Study 2 extended these results to show that RF primarily contributed positively to global MIL through existential significance, rather than purpose or coherence. When modeled jointly with intrinsic religiosity, religious fundamentalism no longer contributed to MIL. CONCLUSIONS: These studies demonstrate that RF positively contributes to the experience of MIL, and that the link between RWA and MIL arises from their mutual overlap with RF. The link between RF and MIL is about religiosity, rather than fundamentalism. Implications are discussed.

Give me liberty or give me COVID-19: How social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, and libertarianism explain Americans' reactions to COVID-19.

While previous research has revealed an ideological divide in Americans' perceptions of COVID-19, specific ideological components can additionally explain public reactions to the pandemic. With two surveys-one sample of crowdsourced workers (N = 482) and a nationally representative sample of American adults (N = 7449)-this research investigates how multiple ideological facets simultaneously predict individuals' reactions to COVID-19. Results demonstrate that social dominance orientation and libertarianism are two important ideological sources that predict more dismissal of COVID-19 and less support for government measures. Right-wing authoritarianism was negatively correlated with COVID-19 concern and support for government actions, but suppression effects could exist. The effects of ideological variables were largely consistent when trust in science was considered. This study highlights the role of specific ideological components in contributing to the political divide regarding attitudes toward the COVID-19 pandemic beyond the liberal-conservative identification.

Clinging to power, clinging to life: Rightwing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and attitudes toward life extension.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward life extension among college students (N = 484). Older age and male gender were associated with more positive attitudes toward life extension, while religious commitment was not. Authoritarian aggression/submission and social dominance orientation were associated with more positive attitudes toward life extension. The results suggest older people, men, and individuals higher in authoritarian traits and social dominance orientation may be more likely to use life-extending biomedical technology.

Attitude toward death, not religious commitment mediates the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward life extension.

Previous research has linked political ideology - right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation - with more positive attitudes toward life extension. The purpose of this study was to investigate death attitudes and religious commitment as mediators of the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward life extension. College students (N = 406) completed an online survey. One death attitude - neutral acceptance - and not religious commitment mediated the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward life extension. Individuals with more intolerant political ideology may see death as aberrant and thus be more likely to embrace life extension technology.

Spanish Adaptation of the Left-Wing Authoritarianism Index.

Notwithstanding long-simmering controversies around the construct, several studies have gathered consistent evidence of authoritarian attitudes among left-wing voters and activists. Recently, Costello et al. (Clarifying the structure and nature of left-wing authoritarianism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2021) validated, in the English-speaking context, a three-factor scale to measure left-wing authoritarianism, as well as two shortened versions of the same scale (Costello & Patrick, Development and initial validation of two brief measures of left-wing authoritarianism: A machine learning approach, 2021; composed of 39, 25 and 13 items, respectively). In this article, we used three samples (total N = 2586) to validate the structural and construct validity of a Spanish adaptation of these three versions. The resulting scales exhibited an analogous three-factor structure, adequate internal consistency, and convergent and discriminant validity regarding sex, religion, moral exporting, conspiracy theories, social and economic conservatism, and right-wing authoritarianism.

Antecedents of positive and negative intergroup contact: Evidence from a diary study.

In our current globalised, multicultural world, understanding antecedents of reciprocal interactions between native people and people of immigrant background is a major issue, because intergroup contact plays a crucial role in building inclusive societies. In this vein, using daily diary data, we examined the relation between the number of daily positive and negative interactions of White British majority (N = 744) and Asian British minority people (N = 582) with members of the respective outgroup, with RWA, SDO, perceived ingroup norms, neighbourhood diversity and contextual deprivation. Results showed that for the majority group, ingroup norms in favour of intergroup contact were positively associated with positive intergroup encounters, whereas Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) was positively associated with negative intergroup contact. Neighbourhood diversity was positively associated with positive and negative intergroup encounters. Moreover, RWA moderated the relationship between neighbourhood diversity and both positive and negative contact of White British people. For the minority group, ingroup norms were positively associated with positive intergroup contact, and the relationship between ingroup norms and negative contact was moderated by SDO. Overall, different factors affect positive and negative intergroup contact of majority and minority groups. We discuss the implications of the findings for future research and interventions.

Authoritarianism and perceived threat from the novel coronavirus.

The threat of COVID-19 has triggered nationalism, prejudice and support for anti-democratic political systems around the world. Authoritarianism-an individual's orientation toward social conformity and individual autonomy-shapes interpretations of and responses to threat. We drew on theories of authoritarianism and threat to propose that authoritarians and libertarians will interpret the threat of COVID-19 in distinct ways. An online survey of 368 Scottish nationals was administered via the Prolific platform. Original measures of realistic and symbolic threat from COVID-19 were included, along with an established measure of the authoritarian predisposition. Linear regression analyses showed that COVID-19 was perceived primarily as a realistic threat to physical and material well-being; however, authoritarians were more likely than others to interpret the novel coronavirus as a symbolic threat to their prevailing values. Our findings contribute to understanding the psychology of pandemic-era attitudes and behaviours and provide insight into possible political consequences of the coronavirus threat. The results also demonstrate how considering authoritarians' subjective construal of threats can resolve questions in the authoritarianism and threat literature and advance theory.

Understanding explanatory mechanisms for racial and ethnic differences in mental health stigma: the role of vertical individualism and right-wing authoritarianism.

BACKGROUND: Mental health (MH) stigma is pervasive worldwide. Culturally sensitive stigma reduction programs are needed to reduce MH stigma. AIMS: To determine racial/ethnic and cultural predictors of stigma. METHOD: The current study examined the relationship between cultural orientation (individualism-collectivism beliefs), race/ethnicity, and political beliefs (right-wing authoritarianism [RWA]). Participants (N = 951) from the United States completed an online survey for this cross-sectional study. RESULTS: Findings indicated that vertical individualism is a consistent, though modest, predictor of multiple dimensions of MH stigma, controlling for other predictors. Contrary to what was hypothesized, vertical individualism did not mediate the relationship between Asian-American race/ethnicity and MH stigma, but was found to mediate the relationship between RWA and stigma. A novel finding was that RWA mediated the relationship between African-American race/ethnicity and multiple MH stigma domains. CONCLUSIONS: Findings therefore indicate that the endorsement of authoritarian views, rather than vertical-individualism (which advances the idea that everyone is in competition), is the primary mechanism of MH stigma differences between African-Americans and individuals from other racial/ethnic groups. A major implication from this study is that efforts to address MH stigma among specific cultural groups should incorporate a sensitivity to the role of both RWA and vertical individualism in facilitating stigma.

Cognitive underpinnings of nationalistic ideology in the context of Brexit.

Nationalistic identities often play an influential role in citizens' voting behavior and political engagement. Nationalistic ideologies tend to have firm categories and rules for what belongs to and represents the national culture. In a sample of 332 UK citizens, we tested whether strict categorization of stimuli and rules in objective cognitive tasks would be evident in strongly nationalistic individuals. Using voting behavior and attitudes from the United Kingdom's 2016 EU referendum, we found that a flexible representation of national identity and culture was linked to cognitive flexibility in the ideologically neutral Wisconsin Card Sorting Test and Remote Associates Test, and to self-reported flexibility under uncertainty. Path analysis revealed that subjective and objective cognitive inflexibility predicted heightened authoritarianism, nationalism, conservatism, and system justification, and these in turn were predictive of support for Brexit and opposition to immigration, the European Union, and free movement of labor. This model accounted for 47.6% of the variance in support for Brexit. Path analysis models were also predictive of participants' sense of personal attachment to the United Kingdom, signifying that individual differences in cognitive flexibility may contribute toward ideological thinking styles that shape both nationalistic attitudes and personal sense of nationalistic identity. These findings further suggest that emotionally neutral "cold" cognitive information processing-and not just "hot" emotional cognition-may play a key role in ideological behavior and identity.