Evidence for a specific cross-modal association deficit in dyslexia: an electrophysiological study of letter-speech sound processing.

The phonological deficit theory of dyslexia assumes that degraded speech sound representations might hamper the acquisition of stable letter-speech sound associations necessary for learning to read. However, there is only scarce and mainly indirect evidence for this assumed letter-speech sound association problem. The present study aimed at clarifying the nature and the role of letter-speech sound association problems in dyslexia by analysing event-related potentials (ERP) of 11-year-old dyslexic children to speech sounds in isolation or combined with letters, which were presented either simultaneously with or 200 ms before the speech sounds. Recent studies with normal readers revealed that letters systematically modulated speech sound processing in an early (mismatch negativity or MMN) and late (Late Discriminatory Negativity or LDN) time-window. The amplitude of the MMN and LDN to speech sounds was enhanced when speech sounds were presented with letters. The dyslexic readers in the present study, however, did not exhibit any early influences of letters on speech sounds even after 4 years of reading instruction, indicating no automatic integration of letters and speech sounds. Interestingly, they revealed a systematic late effect of letters on speech sound processing, probably reflecting the mere association of letters and speech sounds. This pattern is strongly divergent from that observed in age-matched normal readers, who showed both early and late effects, but reminiscent of that observed in beginner normal readers in a previous study (Froyen, Bonte, van Atteveldt & Blomert, 2009). The finding that the quality of letter-speech sound processing is directly related to reading fluency urges further research into the role of audiovisual integration in the development of reading failure in dyslexia.

Cross-modal enhancement of the MMN to speech-sounds indicates early and automatic integration of letters and speech-sounds.

Recently brain imaging evidence indicated that letter/speech-sound integration, necessary for establishing fluent reading, takes place in auditory association areas and that the integration is influenced by stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) between the letter and the speech-sound. In the present study, we used a specific ERP measure known for its automatic character, the mismatch negativity (MMN), to investigate the time course and automaticity of letter/speech-sound integration. We studied the effect of visual letters and SOA on the MMN elicited by a deviant speech-sound. We found a clear enhancement of the MMN by simultaneously presenting a letter, but without changing the auditory stimulation. This enhancement diminishes linearly with increasing SOA. These results suggest that letters and speech-sounds are processed as compound stimuli early and automatically in the auditory association cortex of fluent readers and that this processing is strongly dependent on timing.

Multi-sensory learning and learning to read.

The basis of literacy acquisition in alphabetic orthographies is the learning of the associations between the letters and the corresponding speech sounds. In spite of this primacy in learning to read, there is only scarce knowledge on how this audiovisual integration process works and which mechanisms are involved. Recent electrophysiological studies of letter-speech sound processing have revealed that normally developing readers take years to automate these associations and dyslexic readers hardly exhibit automation of these associations. It is argued that the reason for this effortful learning may reside in the nature of the audiovisual process that is recruited for the integration of in principle arbitrarily linked elements. It is shown that letter-speech sound integration does not resemble the processes involved in the integration of natural audiovisual objects such as audiovisual speech. The automatic symmetrical recruitment of the assumedly uni-sensory visual and auditory cortices in audiovisual speech integration does not occur for letter and speech sound integration. It is also argued that letter-speech sound integration only partly resembles the integration of arbitrarily linked unfamiliar audiovisual objects. Letter-sound integration and artificial audiovisual objects share the necessity of a narrow time window for integration to occur. However, they differ from these artificial objects, because they constitute an integration of partly familiar elements which acquire meaning through the learning of an orthography. Although letter-speech sound pairs share similarities with audiovisual speech processing as well as with unfamiliar, arbitrary objects, it seems that letter-speech sound pairs develop into unique audiovisual objects that furthermore have to be processed in a unique way in order to enable fluent reading and thus very likely recruit other neurobiological learning mechanisms than the ones involved in learning natural or arbitrary unfamiliar audiovisual associations.

Exploring the Role of Low Level Visual Processing in Letter-Speech Sound Integration: A Visual MMN Study.

In contrast with for example audiovisual speech, the relation between visual and auditory properties of letters and speech sounds is artificial and learned only by explicit instruction. The arbitrariness of the audiovisual link together with the widespread usage of letter-speech sound pairs in alphabetic languages makes those audiovisual objects a unique subject for crossmodal research. Brain imaging evidence has indicated that heteromodal areas in superior temporal, as well as modality-specific auditory cortex are involved in letter-speech sound processing. The role of low level visual areas, however, remains unclear. In this study the visual counterpart of the auditory mismatch negativity (MMN) is used to investigate the influences of speech sounds on letter processing. Letter and non-letter deviants were infrequently presented in a train of standard letters, either in isolation or simultaneously with speech sounds. Although previous findings showed that letters systematically modulate speech sound processing (reflected by auditory MMN amplitude modulation), the reverse does not seem to hold: our results did not show evidence for an automatic influence of speech sounds on letter processing (no visual MMN amplitude modulation). This apparent asymmetric recruitment of low level sensory cortices during letter-speech sound processing, contrasts with the symmetric involvement of these cortices in audiovisual speech processing, and is possibly due to the arbitrary nature of the link between letters and speech sounds.

The long road to automation: neurocognitive development of letter-speech sound processing.

In transparent alphabetic languages, the expected standard for complete acquisition of letter-speech sound associations is within one year of reading instruction. The neural mechanisms underlying the acquisition of letter-speech sound associations have, however, hardly been investigated. The present article describes an ERP study with beginner and advanced readers in which the influence of letters on speech sound processing is investigated by comparing the MMN to speech sounds presented in isolation with the MMN to speech sounds accompanied by letters. Furthermore, SOA between letter and speech sound presentation was manipulated in order to investigate the development of the temporal window of integration for letter-speech sound processing. Beginner readers, despite one year of reading instruction, showed no early letter-speech sound integration, that is, no influence of the letter on the evocation of the MMN to the speech sound. Only later in the difference wave, at 650 msec, was an influence of the letter on speech sound processing revealed. Advanced readers, with 4 years of reading instruction, showed early and automatic letter-speech sound processing as revealed by an enhancement of the MMN amplitude, however, at a different temporal window of integration in comparison with experienced adult readers. The present results indicate a transition from mere association in beginner readers to more automatic, but still not "adult-like," integration in advanced readers. In contrast to general assumptions, the present study provides evidence for an extended development of letter-speech sound integration.