Healthful and less-healthful foods and drinks from storefront and non-storefront businesses: implications for 'food deserts', 'food swamps' and food-source disparities.

OBJECTIVE: Conceptualisations of 'food deserts' (areas lacking healthful food/drink) and 'food swamps' (areas overwhelm by less-healthful fare) may be both inaccurate and incomplete. Our objective was to more accurately and completely characterise food/drink availability in urban areas. DESIGN: Cross-sectional assessment of select healthful and less-healthful food/drink offerings from storefront businesses (stores, restaurants) and non-storefront businesses (street vendors). SETTING: Two areas of New York City: the Bronx (higher-poverty, mostly minority) and the Upper East Side (UES; wealthier, predominantly white). PARTICIPANTS: All businesses on 63 street segments in the Bronx (n 662) and on 46 street segments in the UES (n 330). RESULTS: Greater percentages of businesses offered any, any healthful, and only less-healthful food/drink in the Bronx (42·0 %, 37·5 %, 4·4 %, respectively) than in the UES (30 %, 27·9 %, 2·1 %, respectively). Differences were driven mostly by businesses (e.g. newsstands, gyms, laundromats) not primarily focused on selling food/drink - 'other storefront businesses' (OSBs). OSBs accounted for 36·0 % of all food/drink-offering businesses in the Bronx (more numerous than restaurants or so-called 'food stores') and 18·2 % in the UES (more numerous than 'food stores'). Differences also related to street vendors in both the Bronx and the UES. If street vendors and OSBs were not captured, the missed percentages of street segments offering food/drink would be 14·5 % in the Bronx and 21·9 % in the UES. CONCLUSIONS: Of businesses offering food/drink in communities, OSBs and street vendors can represent substantial percentages. Focusing on only 'food stores' and restaurants may miss or mischaracterise 'food deserts', 'food swamps', and food/drink-source disparities between communities.

Government data v. ground observation for food-environment assessment: businesses missed and misreported by city and state inspection records.

OBJECTIVE: To assess the accuracy of government inspection records, relative to ground observation, for identifying businesses offering foods/drinks. DESIGN: Agreement between city and state inspection records v. ground observations at two levels: businesses and street segments. Agreement could be 'strict' (by business name, e.g. 'Rizzo's') or 'lenient' (by business type, e.g. 'pizzeria'); using sensitivity and positive predictive value (PPV) for businesses and using sensitivity, PPV, specificity and negative predictive value (NPV) for street segments. SETTING: The Bronx and the Upper East Side (UES), New York City, USA. PARTICIPANTS: All food/drink-offering businesses on sampled street segments (n 154 in the Bronx, n 51 in the UES). RESULTS: By 'strict' criteria, sensitivity and PPV of government records for food/drink-offering businesses were 0·37 and 0·57 in the Bronx; 0·58 and 0·60 in the UES. 'Lenient' values were 0·40 and 0·62 in the Bronx; 0·60 and 0·62 in the UES. Sensitivity, PPV, specificity and NPV of government records for street segments having food/drink-offering businesses were 0·66, 0·73, 0·84 and 0·79 in the Bronx; 0·79, 0·92, 0·67, and 0·40 in the UES. In both areas, agreement varied by business category: restaurants; 'food stores'; and government-recognized other storefront businesses ('gov. OSB', i.e. dollar stores, gas stations, pharmacies). Additional business categories - 'other OSB' (barbers, laundromats, newsstands, etc.) and street vendors - were absent from government records; together, they represented 28·4 % of all food/drink-offering businesses in the Bronx, 22·2 % in the UES ('other OSB' and street vendors were sources of both healthful and less-healthful foods/drinks in both areas). CONCLUSIONS: Government records frequently miss or misrepresent businesses offering foods/drinks, suggesting caveats for food-environment assessments using such records.

Unreliable and Difficult-to-Access Food for Those in Need: A Qualitative and Quantitative Study of Urban Food Pantries.

For individuals who are food insecure, food pantries can be a vital resource to improve access to adequate food. Access to adequate food may be conceptualized within five dimensions: availability (item variety), accessibility (e.g., hours of operation), accommodation (e.g., cultural sensitivity), affordability (costs, monetary or otherwise), and acceptability (e.g., as related to quality). This study examined the five dimensions of access in a convenience sample of 50 food pantries in the Bronx, NY. The design was cross-sectional. Qualitative data included researcher observations and field notes from unstructured interviews with pantry workers. Quantitative data included frequencies for aspects of food access, organized by the five access dimensions. Inductive analysis of quantitative and qualitative data revealed three main inter-related findings: (1) Pantries were not reliably open: only 50% of pantries were open during hours listed in an online directory (several had had prolonged or indefinite closures); (2) Even when pantries were open, all five access dimensions showed deficiencies (e.g., limited inventory, few hours, pre-selected handouts without consideration of preferences, opportunity costs, and inferior-quality items); (3) Open pantries frequently had insufficient food supply to meet client demand. To deal with mismatch between supply and demand, pantries developed rules for food provision. Rules could break down in cases of pantries receiving food deliveries, leading to workarounds, and in cases of compelling client need, leading to exceptions. Adherence to rules, versus implementation of workarounds and/or exceptions, was worker- and situation-dependent and, thus, unpredictable. Overall, pantry food provision was unreliable. Future research should explore clients' perception of pantry access considering multiple access dimensions. Future research should also investigate drivers of mismatched supply and demand to create more predictable, reliable, and adequate food provision.

Foods and Drinks Available from Urban Food Pantries: Nutritional Quality by Item Type, Sourcing, and Distribution Method.

The overall nutritional quality of foods/drinks available at urban food pantries is not well established. In a study of 50 pantries listed as operating in the Bronx, NY, data on food/drink type (fresh, shelf-stable, refrigerated/frozen) came from direct observation. Data on food/drink sourcing (food bank or other) and distribution (prefilled bag vs. client choice for a given client's position in line) came from semi-structured interviews with pantry workers. Overall nutritional quality was determined using NuVal® scores (range 1-100; higher score indicates higher nutritional quality). Twenty-nine pantries offered zero nutrition at listed times (actually being closed or having no food/drinks in stock). Of the 21 pantries that were open as listed and had foods/drinks to offer, 12 distributed items in prefilled bags (traditional pantries), 9 allowed for client choice. Mean NuVal® scores were higher for foods/drinks available from client-choice pantries than traditional pantries (69.3 vs. 57.4), driven mostly by sourcing fresh items (at 28.3% of client-choice pantries vs. 4.8% of traditional pantries). For a hypothetical 'balanced basket' of one of each fruit, vegetable, grain, dairy and protein item, highest-NuVal® items had a mean score of 98.8 across client-choice pantries versus 96.6 across traditional pantries; lowest-NuVal® items had mean scores of 16.4 and 35.4 respectively. Pantry workers reported lower-scoring items (e.g., white rice) were more popular-appeared in early bags or were selected first-leaving higher-scoring items (e.g., brown rice) for clients later in line. Fewer than 50% of sampled pantries were open and had food/drink to offer at listed times. Nutritional quality varied by item type and sourcing and could also vary by distribution method and client position in line. Findings suggest opportunities for pantry operation, client and staff education, and additional research.

Sources of Foods That Are Ready-to-Consume ('Grazing Environments') Versus Requiring Additional Preparation ('Grocery Environments'): Implications for Food-Environment Research and Community Health.

Local businesses that offer foods may create different 'grazing environments' (characterized by sources of ready-to-consume foods) and 'grocery environments' (characterized by source of foods for later preparation). Such environments may be relevant to different populations at different times and may vary by neighborhood. In neighborhoods within two demographically distinct areas of the Bronx, NY [Area A (higher-poverty, greater minority representation, lesser vehicle ownership) vs. Area B], researchers assessed all storefront businesses for food offerings. Food offerings could be ready-to-consume or require additional preparation. 'Healthful' offerings included fruits and vegetables, whole grains, and nuts; 'less-healthful' offerings included 'refined sweets' and 'salty/fatty fare.' 'Food businesses' (those primarily focused on selling food) were distinguished from 'other businesses' (not focused primarily on food selling). Area A had a higher percentage of street segments on which foods were available (28.6% vs. 6.9% in Area B; difference 21.7% points [95% CI 17.0, 26.5]) and a higher percentage of businesses offering foods (46.9% vs. 41.7% in Area B; difference 5.2% points [95% CI - 2.0, 12.4]). 'Less-healthful' items predominated in both 'grazing environments' and overall environments ('grazing' plus 'grocery environments'; the environments researchers typically measure) in both Areas A and B. 'Other businesses' represented about 2/3 of all businesses and accounted for nearly 1/3 of all the businesses offering food in both geographic areas. The lower-income area with greater minority representation and less private transportation had more businesses offering foods on more streets. There was near-perfect overlap between 'grazing environments' and overall environments in both geographic areas. Future research should consider the extent of 'grazing' and 'grocery environments,' and when each might be most relevant to populations of interest.

Unhealthful Food-and-Beverage Advertising in Subway Stations: Targeted Marketing, Vulnerable Groups, Dietary Intake, and Poor Health.

Unhealthful food-and-beverage advertising often targets vulnerable groups. The extent of such advertising in subway stations has not been reported and it is not clear how ad placement may relate to subway ridership or community demographics, or what the implications might be for diets and diet-related health in surrounding communities. Riding all subway lines (n = 7) in the Bronx, NY, USA, investigators systematically assessed all print ads (n = 1586) in all stations (n = 68) in 2012. Data about subway ridership came from the Metropolitan Transportation Authority. Demographic data on surrounding residential areas came from the U.S. Census Bureau. Data on dietary intake and diet-related conditions came from a city health-department survey. There were no ads promoting "more-healthful" food-or-beverage items (i.e., fruits, vegetables, whole grains, nuts, water or milk). There were many ads for "less-healthful" items (e.g., candies, chips, sugary cereals, frozen pizzas, "energy" drinks, coffee confections, hard alcohol, and beer). Ad placement did not relate to the number of riders entering at stations. Instead, exposure to food-or-beverage ads generally, and to "less-healthful" ads particularly (specifically ads in Spanish, directed at youth, and/or featuring minorities), was directly correlated with poverty, lower high-school graduation rates, higher percentages of Hispanics, and/or higher percentages of children in surrounding residential areas. Correlations were robust to sensitivity analyses. Additional analyses suggested correlations between ad exposures and sugary-drink consumption, fruit-and-vegetable intake, and diabetes, hypertension, and high-cholesterol rates. Subway-station ads for "less-healthful" items were located disproportionately in areas home to vulnerable populations facing diet and diet-related-health challenges. The fact that uneven ad placement did not relate to total rider counts suggests ads were not directed at the largest possible audiences but rather targeted to specific groups.

How calorie-focused thinking about obesity and related diseases may mislead and harm public health. An alternative.

Prevailing thinking about obesity and related diseases holds that quantifying calories should be a principal concern and target for intervention. Part of this thinking is that consumed calories - regardless of their sources - are equivalent; i.e. 'a calorie is a calorie'. The present commentary discusses various problems with the idea that 'a calorie is a calorie' and with a primarily quantitative focus on food calories. Instead, the authors argue for a greater qualitative focus on the sources of calories consumed (i.e. a greater focus on types of foods) and on the metabolic changes that result from consuming foods of different types. In particular, the authors consider how calorie-focused thinking is inherently biased against high-fat foods, many of which may be protective against obesity and related diseases, and supportive of starchy and sugary replacements, which are likely detrimental. Shifting the focus to qualitative food distinctions, a central argument of the paper is that obesity and related diseases are problems due largely to food-induced physiology (e.g. neurohormonal pathways) not addressable through arithmetic dieting (i.e. calorie counting). The paper considers potential harms of public health initiatives framed around calorie balance sheets - targeting 'calories in' and/or 'calories out' - that reinforce messages of overeating and inactivity as underlying causes, rather than intermediate effects, of obesity. Finally, the paper concludes that public health should work primarily to support the consumption of whole foods that help protect against obesity-promoting energy imbalance and metabolic dysfunction and not continue to promote calorie-directed messages that may create and blame victims and possibly exacerbate epidemics of obesity and related diseases.

Urban farmers' markets: accessibility, offerings, and produce variety, quality, and price compared to nearby stores.

Most food-environment research has focused narrowly on select stores and restaurants. There has been comparatively less attention to non-storefront food sources like farmers' markets (FMs), particularly in urban communities. The objective of the present study was to assess FMs' potential contribution to an urban food environment in terms of specific foods offered, and compare FM accessibility as well as produce variety, quality, and price to that of nearby stores. Investigators conducted a detailed cross-sectional assessment of all FMs in Bronx County, NY, and of the nearest store(s) selling produce within a half-mile walking distance (up to two stores per FM). The study included 26 FMs and 44 stores. Investigators assessed accessibility (locations of FMs and stores relative to each other, and hours of operation for each), variety (the number and type of all food items offered at FMs and all fresh produce items offered at stores), quality (where produce items were grown and if they were organic), and price (including any sales prices or promotional discounts). Analyses included frequencies, proportions, and variable distributions, as well as mixed-effect regressions, paired t-tests, and signed rank tests to compare FMs to stores. Geographic information systems (GIS) allowed for mapping of FM and store locations and determining street-network distances between them. The mean distance between FMs and the nearest store selling fresh produce was 0.15 miles (range 0.02-0.36 miles). FMs were open substantially fewer months, days, and hours than stores. FMs offered 26.4 fewer fresh produce items on average than stores (p values <0.02). FM produce items were more frequently local and organic, but often tended toward less-common/more-exotic and heirloom varieties. FMs were more expensive on average (p values <0.001 for pairwise comparisons to stores) - even for more-commonplace and "conventional" produce - especially when discounts or sales prices were considered. Fully, 32.8% of what FMs offered was not fresh produce at all but refined or processed products (e.g., jams, pies, cakes, cookies, donuts, juice drinks). FMs may offer many items not optimal for good nutrition and health, and carry less-varied, less-common fresh produce in neighborhoods that already have access to stores with cheaper prices and overwhelmingly more hours of operation.

Nutrition myths and healthy dietary advice in clinical practice.

Healthy dietary intake is important for the maintenance of general health and wellness, the prevention of chronic illness, the optimization of life expectancy, and the clinical management of virtually all disease states. Dietary myths (i.e., concepts about nutrition that are poorly supported or contradicted by scientific evidence) may stand in the way of healthy dietary intake. Dietary myths exist about micronutrients, macronutrients, non-nutrients, and food energy. Representative myths of each type include that patients need to focus on consuming enough calcium to ensure bone health, dietary fat leads to obesity and is detrimental to vascular health, all fiber (whether naturally occurring or artificially added) is beneficial, and food calories translate to pounds of body weight through a linear relationship and simple arithmetic. A common theme for dietary myths is a reductionist view of diet that emphasizes selected food constituents as opposed to whole foods. Healthy dietary advice takes a more holistic view; consistent evidence supports recommendations to limit the consumption of ultraprocessed foods and to eat whole or minimally processed foods, generally in a form that is as close to what occurs in nature as possible. Family physicians can help dispel myths for patients and give sound nutritional advice by focusing on actual foods and broader dietary patterns.

Objective and self-reported factors associated with food-environment perceptions and fruit-and-vegetable consumption: a multilevel analysis.

INTRODUCTION: Few studies have assessed how people's perceptions of their neighborhood environment compare with objective measures or how self-reported and objective neighborhood measures relate to consumption of fruits and vegetables. METHODS: A telephone survey of 4,399 residents of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, provided data on individuals, their households, their neighborhoods (self-defined), their food-environment perceptions, and their fruit-and-vegetable consumption. Other data on neighborhoods (census tracts) or "extended neighborhoods" (census tracts plus 1-quarter-mile buffers) came from the US Census Bureau, the Philadelphia Police Department, the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority, and the federal Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. Mixed-effects multilevel logistic regression models examined associations between food-environment perceptions, fruit-and-vegetable consumption, and individual, household, and neighborhood characteristics. RESULTS: Perceptions of neighborhood food environments (supermarket accessibility, produce availability, and grocery quality) were strongly associated with each other but not consistently or significantly associated with objective neighborhood measures or self-reported fruit-and-vegetable consumption. We found racial and educational disparities in fruit-and-vegetable consumption, even after adjusting for food-environment perceptions and individual, household, and neighborhood characteristics. Having a supermarket in the extended neighborhood was associated with better perceived supermarket access (adjusted odds ratio for having a conventional supermarket, 2.04 [95% CI, 1.68-2.46]; adjusted odds ratio for having a limited-assortment supermarket, 1.28 [95% CI, 1.02-1.59]) but not increased fruit-and-vegetable consumption. Models showed some counterintuitive associations with neighborhood crime and public transportation. CONCLUSION: We found limited association between objective and self-reported neighborhood measures. Sociodemographic differences in individual fruit-and-vegetable consumption were evident regardless of neighborhood environment. Adding supermarkets to urban neighborhoods might improve residents' perceptions of supermarket accessibility but might not increase their fruit-and-vegetable consumption.

Concepts of healthy diet among urban, low-income, African Americans.

We sought to explore concepts of healthy diet and to elicit recommendations to support healthier eating among urban, low-income, African Americans. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 33 self-identified African American adults (18-81 years of age, 15 male participants) from a low-income neighborhood in west Philadelphia, PA, during summer and fall 2008. Our qualitative approach was continuous, iterative and thematic considering gender, age category, and participants' "mentions" of fast-food and fruit-and-vegetable intake from the preceding day. We found that participants shared concepts about broad nutritional principles consistent with national dietary recommendations, but disagreed about the healthfulness of specific foods-e.g. meat. On average-with little variation-participants reported eating >2 "mentions" more of fast foods the preceding day than fruits and vegetables (P < 0.001). Suggested strategies to help promote eating more produce included increasing exposure, advertising, affordability, and local availability (vice versa to limit fast-food consumption), and more education on the health effects of diet and how to find and prepare healthy foods. Women's ideas reflected their roles in food shopping and food preparation; otherwise, participants' ideas did not differ appreciably by gender or age. Overall, participants generally expressed sufficient understanding of nutritional principles to eat healthfully, but disagreed about the healthfulness of specific foods and described largely unhealthy dietary consumption from the preceding day. If poor dietary intake results from barriers to recognizing, purchasing, and preparing healthy foods, then participants' suggestions to increase education and modify the environment may lead to improved diets and better health in the community.

Green Carts (mobile produce vendors) in the Bronx--optimally positioned to meet neighborhood fruit-and-vegetable needs?

Poor access to fresh produce likely contributes to disparities in obesity and diet-related diseases in the Bronx. New York City's Green Cart program is a partial response to the problem. We evaluated this program (permitting street vendors to sell fresh produce) by canvassing the Bronx for carts, interviewing vendors, and analyzing their locations and food offerings. Green Carts were clustered in areas of probable high pedestrian traffic, covering only about 57% of needy areas by liberal estimates. Some carts sold outside allowed boundaries; a few sold sugary snacks. Vendor locations and their food offerings suggest possible areas for program improvement.

Bifidobacterium animalis subsp. lactis BB-12 Protects against Antibiotic-Induced Functional and Compositional Changes in Human Fecal Microbiome.

The administration of broad-spectrum antibiotics is often associated with antibiotic-associated diarrhea (AAD), and impacts gastrointestinal tract homeostasis, as evidenced by the following: (a) an overall reduction in both the numbers and diversity of the gut microbiota, and (b) decreased short-chain fatty acid (SCFA) production. Evidence in humans that probiotics may enhance the recovery of microbiota populations after antibiotic treatment is equivocal, and few studies have addressed if probiotics improve the recovery of microbial metabolic function. Our aim was to determine if Bifidobacterium animalis subsp. lactis BB-12 (BB-12)-containing yogurt could protect against antibiotic-induced fecal SCFA and microbiota composition disruptions. We conducted a randomized, allocation-concealed, controlled trial of amoxicillin/clavulanate administration (days 1-7), in conjunction with either BB-12-containing or control yogurt (days 1-14). We measured the fecal levels of SCFAs and bacterial composition at baseline and days 7, 14, 21, and 30. Forty-two participants were randomly assigned to the BB-12 group, and 20 participants to the control group. Antibiotic treatment suppressed the fecal acetate levels in both the control and probiotic groups. Following the cessation of antibiotics, the fecal acetate levels in the probiotic group increased over the remainder of the study and returned to the baseline levels on day 30 (-1.6% baseline), whereas, in the control group, the acetate levels remained suppressed. Further, antibiotic treatment reduced the Shannon diversity of the gut microbiota, for all the study participants at day 7. The magnitude of this change was larger and more sustained in the control group compared to the probiotic group, which is consistent with the hypothesis that BB-12 enhanced microbiota recovery. There were no significant baseline clinical differences between the two groups. Concurrent administration of amoxicillin/clavulanate and BB-12 yogurt, to healthy subjects, was associated with a significantly smaller decrease in the fecal SCFA levels and a more stable taxonomic profile of the microbiota over time than the control group.

Promoters and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption among urban, low-income African Americans--a qualitative approach.

To identify promoters of and barriers to fruit, vegetable, and fast-food consumption, we interviewed low-income African Americans in Philadelphia. Salient promoters and barriers were distinct from each other and differed by food type: taste was a promoter and cost a barrier to all foods; convenience, cravings, and preferences promoted consumption of fast foods; health concerns promoted consumption of fruits and vegetables and avoidance of fast foods. Promoters and barriers differed by gender and age. Strategies for dietary change should consider food type, gender, and age.

Storing empty calories and chronic disease risk: snack-food products, nutritive content, and manufacturers in Philadelphia corner stores.

Corner stores are part of the urban food environment that may contribute to obesity and diet-related diseases, particularly for low-income and minority children. The snack foods available in corner stores may be a particularly important aspect of an urban child's food environment. Unfortunately, there is little data on exactly what snack foods corner stores stock, or where these foods come from. We evaluated snack foods in 17 Philadelphia corner stores, located in three ethnically distinct, low-income school neighborhoods. We recorded the manufacturer, calories, fat, sugar, and sodium for all snack items, excluding candy and prepared foods. We then compared the nutritive content of assessed snack items to established dietary recommendations and a school nutrition standard. In total, stores stocked 452 kinds of snacks, with only 15% of items common between all three neighborhoods. Total and unique snacks and snack food manufacturers varied by neighborhood, but distributions in snack type varied negligibly: overall, there were no fruit snacks, no vegetable snacks, and only 3.6% of all snacks (by liberal definition) were whole grain. The remainder (96.4% of snacks) was highly processed foods. Five of 65 manufacturers supplied 73.4% of all kinds of snack foods. Depending on serving size definition, 80.0-91.5% of snack foods were "unhealthy" (by the school nutrition standard), including seven of 11 wholegrain products. A single snack item could supply 6-14% of a day's recommended calories, fat, sugar, and sodium on average (or 56-169% at the extreme) for a "typical" child. We conclude that corner store snack food inventories are almost entirely unhealthful, and we discuss possible implications and next steps for research and intervention.

Greater family medicine presence at NIH can improve research relevance and reach.

Advisory committees perform pivotal tasks at the National Institutes of Health (NIH), informing funding decisions, helping establish research priorities, and contributing to the vision for the nation's biomedical research agenda. Family medicine has not had a substantial role on these committees, but could, helping the NIH make research more patient centered and informing translational efforts to improve population health.

Greater NIH investment in family medicine would help both achieve their missions.

Family medicine is the predominant provider of primary health care in the United States, yet it receives relatively little research funding from the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Family medicine can help the NIH speed research discovery and improve research relevance; the NIH can help family medicine build its research capacity; and such mutual benefit could mean improvement in public health.