LexFindR: A fast, simple, and extensible R package for finding similar words in a lexicon.

Language scientists often need to generate lists of related words, such as potential competitors. They may do this for purposes of experimental control (e.g., selecting items matched on lexical neighborhood but varying in word frequency), or to test theoretical predictions (e.g., hypothesizing that a novel type of competitor may impact word recognition). Several online tools are available, but most are constrained to a fixed lexicon and fixed sets of competitor definitions, and may not give the user full access to or control of source data. We present LexFindR, an open-source R package that can be easily modified to include additional, novel competitor types. LexFindR is easy to use. Because it can leverage multiple CPU cores and uses vectorized code when possible, it is also extremely fast. In this article, we present an overview of LexFindR usage, illustrated with examples. We also explain the details of how we implemented several standard lexical competitor types used in spoken word recognition research (e.g., cohorts, neighbors, embeddings, rhymes), and show how "lexical dimensions" (e.g., word frequency, word length, uniqueness point) can be integrated into LexFindR workflows (for example, to calculate "frequency-weighted competitor probabilities"), for both spoken and visual word recognition research.

Is that a pibu or a pibo? Children with reading and language deficits show difficulties in learning and overnight consolidation of phonologically similar pseudowords.

Word learning is critical for the development of reading and language comprehension skills. Although previous studies have indicated that word learning is compromised in children with reading disability (RD) or developmental language disorder (DLD), it is less clear how word learning difficulties manifest in children with comorbid RD and DLD. Furthermore, it is unclear whether word learning deficits in RD or DLD include difficulties with offline consolidation of newly learned words. In the current study, we employed an artificial lexicon learning paradigm with an overnight design to investigate how typically developing (TD) children (N = 25), children with only RD (N = 93), and children with both RD and DLD (N = 34) learned and remembered a set of phonologically similar pseudowords. Results showed that compared to TD children, children with RD exhibited: (i) slower growth in discrimination accuracy for cohort item pairs sharing an onset (e.g. pibu-pibo), but not for rhyming item pairs (e.g. pibu-dibu); and (ii) lower discrimination accuracy for both cohort and rhyme item pairs on Day 2, even when accounting for differences in Day 1 learning. Moreover, children with comorbid RD and DLD showed learning and retention deficits that extended to unrelated item pairs that were phonologically dissimilar (e.g. pibu-tupa), suggestive of broader impairments compared to children with only RD. These findings provide insights into the specific learning deficits underlying RD and DLD and motivate future research concerning how children use phonological similarity to guide the organization of new word knowledge.

Cohesion of Cortical Language Networks During Word Processing Is Predicted by a Common Polymorphism in the SETBP1 Gene.

The etiological mechanisms of the genetic underpinnings of developmental language disorder (DLD) are unknown, in part due to the behavioral heterogeneity of the disorder's manifestations. In this study, we explored an association between the SETBP1 gene (18q21.1), revealed in a genome-wide association study of DLD in a geographically isolated population, and brain network-based endophenotypes of functional intracortical coherence between major language-related brain areas. We analyzed electroencephalogram (EEG) data from thirty-nine children (twenty-three with, sixteen without DLD) aged 7.17-15.83 years acquired during an auditory picture-word matching paradigm. Variation at a single nucleotide polymorphism in the intronic region of the SETBP1 gene, rs8085464, explained 19% of the variance in intracortical network cohesion (p = .00478). This suggests that the development of these brain networks might be partially associated with the variation in SETBP1.

TISK 1.0: An easy-to-use Python implementation of the time-invariant string kernel model of spoken word recognition.

This article describes a new Python distribution of TISK, the time-invariant string kernel model of spoken word recognition (Hannagan et al. in Frontiers in Psychology, 4, 563, 2013). TISK is an interactive-activation model similar to the TRACE model (McClelland & Elman in Cognitive Psychology, 18, 1-86, 1986), but TISK replaces most of TRACE's reduplicated, time-specific nodes with theoretically motivated time-invariant, open-diphone nodes. We discuss the utility of computational models as theory development tools, the relative merits of TISK as compared to other models, and the ways in which researchers might use this implementation to guide their own research and theory development. We describe a TISK model that includes features that facilitate in-line graphing of simulation results, integration with standard Python data formats, and graph and data export. The distribution can be downloaded from https://github.com/maglab-uconn/TISK1.0 .

Universal Features in Phonological Neighbor Networks.

Human speech perception involves transforming a countinuous acoustic signal into discrete linguistically meaningful units (phonemes) while simultaneously causing a listener to activate words that are similar to the spoken utterance and to each other. The Neighborhood Activation Model posits that phonological neighbors (two forms [words] that differ by one phoneme) compete significantly for recognition as a spoken word is heard. This definition of phonological similarity can be extended to an entire corpus of forms to produce a phonological neighbor network (PNN). We study PNNs for five languages: English, Spanish, French, Dutch, and German. Consistent with previous work, we find that the PNNs share a consistent set of topological features. Using an approach that generates random lexicons with increasing levels of phonological realism, we show that even random forms with minimal relationship to any real language, combined with only the empirical distribution of language-specific phonological form lengths, are sufficient to produce the topological properties observed in the real language PNNs. The resulting pseudo-PNNs are insensitive to the level of lingustic realism in the random lexicons but quite sensitive to the shape of the form length distribution. We therefore conclude that "universal" features seen across multiple languages are really string universals, not language universals, and arise primarily due to limitations in the kinds of networks generated by the one-step neighbor definition. Taken together, our results indicate that caution is warranted when linking the dynamics of human spoken word recognition to the topological properties of PNNs, and that the investigation of alternative similarity metrics for phonological forms should be a priority.

Functionally integrated neural processing of linguistic and talker information: An event-related fMRI and ERP study.

Speech signals contain information of both linguistic content and a talker's voice. Conventionally, linguistic and talker processing are thought to be mediated by distinct neural systems in the left and right hemispheres respectively, but there is growing evidence that linguistic and talker processing interact in many ways. Previous studies suggest that talker-related vocal tract changes are processed integrally with phonetic changes in the bilateral posterior superior temporal gyrus/superior temporal sulcus (STG/STS), because the vocal tract parameter influences the perception of phonetic information. It is yet unclear whether the bilateral STG is also activated by the integral processing of another parameter - pitch, which influences the perception of lexical tone information and is related to talker differences in tone languages. In this study, we conducted separate functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) and event-related potential (ERP) experiments to examine the spatial and temporal loci of interactions of lexical tone and talker-related pitch processing in Cantonese. We found that the STG was activated bilaterally during the processing of talker changes when listeners attended to lexical tone changes in the stimuli and during the processing of lexical tone changes when listeners attended to talker changes, suggesting that lexical tone and talker processing are functionally integrated in the bilateral STG. It extends the previous study, providing evidence for a general neural mechanism of integral phonetic and talker processing in the bilateral STG. The ERP results show interactions of lexical tone and talker processing 500-800ms after auditory word onset (a simultaneous posterior P3b and a frontal negativity). Moreover, there is some asymmetry in the interaction, such that unattended talker changes affect linguistic processing more than vice versa, which may be related to the ambiguity that talker changes cause in speech perception and/or attention bias to talker changes. Our findings have implications for understanding the neural encoding of linguistic and talker information.

Individual differences in the shape bias in preschool children with specific language impairment and typical language development: theoretical and clinical implications.

We investigated whether preschool children with specific language impairment (SLI) exhibit the shape bias in word learning: the bias to generalize based on shape rather than size, color, or texture in an object naming context ('This is a wek; find another wek') but not in a non-naming similarity classification context ('See this? Which one goes with this one?'). Fifty-four preschool children (16 with SLI, 16 children with typical language [TL] in an equated control group, and 22 additional children with TL included in individual differences analyses but not group comparisons) completed a battery of linguistic and cognitive assessments and two experiments. In Experiment 1, children made generalization choices in object naming and similarity classification contexts on separate days, from options similar to a target object in shape, color, or texture. On average, TL children exhibited the shape bias in an object naming context, but children with SLI did not. In Experiment 2, we tested whether the failure to exhibit the shape bias might be linked to ability to detect systematicities in the visual domain. Experiment 2 supported this hypothesis, in that children with SLI failed to learn simple paired visual associations that were readily learned by children with TL. Analyses of individual differences in the two studies revealed that visual paired-associate learning predicted degree of shape bias in children with SLI and TL better than any other measure of nonverbal intelligence or standard assessments of language ability. We discuss theoretical and clinical implications.

Lexical processing deficits in children with developmental language disorder: An event-related potentials study.

Lexical processing deficits in children with developmental language disorder (DLD) have been postulated to arise as sequelae of their grammatical deficits (either directly or via compensatory mechanisms) and vice versa. We examined event-related potential indices of lexical processing in children with DLD (n = 23) and their typically developing peers (n = 16) using a picture-word matching paradigm. We found that children with DLD showed markedly reduced N400 amplitudes in response both to auditorily presented words that had initial phonological overlap with the name of the pictured object and to words that were not semantically or phonologically related to the pictured object. Moreover, this reduction was related to behavioral indices of phonological and lexical but not grammatical development. We also found that children with DLD showed a depressed phonological mapping negativity component in the early time window, suggesting deficits in phonological processing or early lexical access. The results are partially consistent with the overactivation account of lexical processing deficits in DLD and point to the relative functional independence of lexical/phonological and grammatical deficits in DLD, supporting a multidimensional view of the disorder. The results also, although indirectly, support the neuroplasticity account of DLD, according to which language impairment affects brain development and shapes the specific patterns of brain responses to language stimuli.

Phoneme restoration and empirical coverage of interactive activation and adaptive resonance models of human speech processing.

Grossberg and Kazerounian [(2011). J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 130, 440-460] present a model of sequence representation for spoken word recognition, the cARTWORD model, which simulates essential aspects of phoneme restoration. Grossberg and Kazerounian also include simulations with the TRACE model presented by McClelland and Elman [(1986). Cognit. Psychol. 18, 1-86] that seem to indicate that TRACE cannot simulate phoneme restoration. Grossberg and Kazerounian also claim cARTWORD should be preferred to TRACE because of TRACE's implausible approach to sequence representation (reduplication of time-specific units) and use of non-modulatory feedback (i.e., without position-specific bottom-up support). This paper responds to Grossberg and Kazerounian first with TRACE simulations that account for phoneme restoration when appropriately constructed noise is used (and with minor changes to TRACE phoneme definitions), then reviews the case for reduplicated units and feedback as implemented in TRACE, as well as TRACE's broad and deep coverage of empirical data. Finally, it is argued that cARTWORD is not comparable to TRACE because cARTWORD cannot represent sequences with repeated elements, has only been implemented with small phoneme and lexical inventories, and has been applied to only one phenomenon (phoneme restoration). Without evidence that cARTWORD captures a similar range and detail of human spoken language processing as alternative models, it is premature to prefer cARTWORD to TRACE.

Lexical Feedback in the Time-Invariant String Kernel (TISK) Model of Spoken Word Recognition.

The Time-Invariant String Kernel (TISK) model of spoken word recognition (Hannagan, Magnuson & Grainger, 2013; You & Magnuson, 2018) is an interactive activation model with many similarities to TRACE (McClelland & Elman, 1986). However, by replacing most time-specific nodes in TRACE with time-invariant open-diphone nodes, TISK uses orders of magnitude fewer nodes and connections than TRACE. Although TISK performed remarkably similarly to TRACE in simulations reported by Hannagan et al., the original TISK implementation did not include lexical feedback, precluding simulation of top-down effects, and leaving open the possibility that adding feedback to TISK might fundamentally alter its performance. Here, we demonstrate that when lexical feedback is added to TISK, it gains the ability to simulate top-down effects without losing the ability to simulate the fundamental phenomena tested by Hannagan et al. Furthermore, with feedback, TISK demonstrates graceful degradation when noise is added to input, although parameters can be found that also promote (less) graceful degradation without feedback. We review arguments for and against feedback in cognitive architectures, and conclude that feedback provides a computationally efficient basis for robust constraint-based processing.

Resolving competing predictions in speech: How qualitatively different cues and cue reliability contribute to phoneme identification.

Listeners have many sources of information available in interpreting speech. Numerous theoretical frameworks and paradigms have established that various constraints impact the processing of speech sounds, but it remains unclear how listeners might simultaneously consider multiple cues, especially those that differ qualitatively (i.e., with respect to timing and/or modality) or quantitatively (i.e., with respect to cue reliability). Here, we establish that cross-modal identity priming can influence the interpretation of ambiguous phonemes (Exp. 1, N = 40) and show that two qualitatively distinct cues - namely, cross-modal identity priming and auditory co-articulatory context - have additive effects on phoneme identification (Exp. 2, N = 40). However, we find no effect of quantitative variation in a cue - specifically, changes in the reliability of the priming cue did not influence phoneme identification (Exp. 3a, N = 40; Exp. 3b, N = 40). Overall, we find that qualitatively distinct cues can additively influence phoneme identification. While many existing theoretical frameworks address constraint integration to some degree, our results provide a step towards understanding how information that differs in both timing and modality is integrated in online speech perception.

Do They Know It's Christmash? Lexical Knowledge Directly Impacts Speech Perception.

We recently reported strong, replicable (i.e., replicated) evidence for lexically mediated compensation for coarticulation (LCfC; Luthra et al., 2021), whereby lexical knowledge influences a prelexical process. Critically, evidence for LCfC provides robust support for interactive models of cognition that include top-down feedback and is inconsistent with autonomous models that allow only feedforward processing. McQueen, Jesse, and Mitterer (2023) offer five counter-arguments against our interpretation; we respond to each of those arguments here and conclude that top-down feedback provides the most parsimonious explanation of extant data.

Contra assertions, feedback improves word recognition: How feedback and lateral inhibition sharpen signals over noise.

Whether top-down feedback modulates perception has deep implications for cognitive theories. Debate has been vigorous in the domain of spoken word recognition, where competing computational models and agreement on at least one diagnostic experimental paradigm suggest that the debate may eventually be resolvable. Norris and Cutler (2021) revisit arguments against lexical feedback in spoken word recognition models. They also incorrectly claim that recent computational demonstrations that feedback promotes accuracy and speed under noise (Magnuson et al., 2018) were due to the use of the Luce choice rule rather than adding noise to inputs (noise was in fact added directly to inputs). They also claim that feedback cannot improve word recognition because feedback cannot distinguish signal from noise. We have two goals in this paper. First, we correct the record about the simulations of Magnuson et al. (2018). Second, we explain how interactive activation models selectively sharpen signals via joint effects of feedback and lateral inhibition that boost lexically-coherent sublexical patterns over noise. We also review a growing body of behavioral and neural results consistent with feedback and inconsistent with autonomous (non-feedback) architectures, and conclude that parsimony supports feedback. We close by discussing the potential for synergy between autonomous and interactive approaches.

Right Posterior Temporal Cortex Supports Integration of Phonetic and Talker Information.

Though the right hemisphere has been implicated in talker processing, it is thought to play a minimal role in phonetic processing, at least relative to the left hemisphere. Recent evidence suggests that the right posterior temporal cortex may support learning of phonetic variation associated with a specific talker. In the current study, listeners heard a male talker and a female talker, one of whom produced an ambiguous fricative in /s/-biased lexical contexts (e.g., epi?ode) and one who produced it in /∫/-biased contexts (e.g., friend?ip). Listeners in a behavioral experiment (Experiment 1) showed evidence of lexically guided perceptual learning, categorizing ambiguous fricatives in line with their previous experience. Listeners in an fMRI experiment (Experiment 2) showed differential phonetic categorization as a function of talker, allowing for an investigation of the neural basis of talker-specific phonetic processing, though they did not exhibit perceptual learning (likely due to characteristics of our in-scanner headphones). Searchlight analyses revealed that the patterns of activation in the right superior temporal sulcus (STS) contained information about who was talking and what phoneme they produced. We take this as evidence that talker information and phonetic information are integrated in the right STS. Functional connectivity analyses suggested that the process of conditioning phonetic identity on talker information depends on the coordinated activity of a left-lateralized phonetic processing system and a right-lateralized talker processing system. Overall, these results clarify the mechanisms through which the right hemisphere supports talker-specific phonetic processing.

Using TMS to evaluate a causal role for right posterior temporal cortex in talker-specific phonetic processing.

Theories suggest that speech perception is informed by listeners' beliefs of what phonetic variation is typical of a talker. A previous fMRI study found right middle temporal gyrus (RMTG) sensitivity to whether a phonetic variant was typical of a talker, consistent with literature suggesting that the right hemisphere may play a key role in conditioning phonetic identity on talker information. The current work used transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) to test whether the RMTG plays a causal role in processing talker-specific phonetic variation. Listeners were exposed to talkers who differed in how they produced voiceless stop consonants while TMS was applied to RMTG, left MTG, or scalp vertex. Listeners subsequently showed near-ceiling performance in indicating which of two variants was typical of a trained talker, regardless of previous stimulation site. Thus, even though the RMTG is recruited for talker-specific phonetic processing, modulation of its function may have only modest consequences.

Investigating the Extent to which Distributional Semantic Models Capture a Broad Range of Semantic Relations.

Distributional semantic models (DSMs) are a primary method for distilling semantic information from corpora. However, a key question remains: What types of semantic relations among words do DSMs detect? Prior work typically has addressed this question using limited human data that are restricted to semantic similarity and/or general semantic relatedness. We tested eight DSMs that are popular in current cognitive and psycholinguistic research (positive pointwise mutual information; global vectors; and three variations each of Skip-gram and continuous bag of words (CBOW) using word, context, and mean embeddings) on a theoretically motivated, rich set of semantic relations involving words from multiple syntactic classes and spanning the abstract-concrete continuum (19 sets of ratings). We found that, overall, the DSMs are best at capturing overall semantic similarity and also can capture verb-noun thematic role relations and noun-noun event-based relations that play important roles in sentence comprehension. Interestingly, Skip-gram and CBOW performed the best in terms of capturing similarity, whereas GloVe dominated the thematic role and event-based relations. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of our results, make recommendations for users of these models, and demonstrate significant differences in model performance on event-based relations.

Boosting lexical support does not enhance lexically guided perceptual learning.

A challenge for listeners is to learn the appropriate mapping between acoustics and phonetic categories for an individual talker. Lexically guided perceptual learning (LGPL) studies have shown that listeners can leverage lexical knowledge to guide this process. For instance, listeners learn to interpret ambiguous /s/-/∫/ blends as /s/ if they have previously encountered them in /s/-biased contexts like epi?ode. Here, we examined whether the degree of preceding lexical support might modulate the extent of perceptual learning. In Experiment 1, we first demonstrated that perceptual learning could be obtained in a modified LGPL paradigm where listeners were first biased to interpret ambiguous tokens as one phoneme (e.g., /s/) and then later as another (e.g., /∫/). In subsequent experiments, we tested whether the extent of learning differed depending on whether targets encountered predictive contexts or neutral contexts prior to the auditory target (e.g., epi?ode). Experiment 2 used auditory sentence contexts (e.g., "I love The Walking Dead and eagerly await every new . . ."), whereas Experiment 3 used written sentence contexts. In Experiment 4, participants did not receive sentence contexts but rather saw the written form of the target word (episode) or filler text (＃＃＃＃＃＃＃＃) prior to hearing the critical auditory token. While we consistently observed effects of context on in-the-moment processing of critical words, the size of the learning effect was not modulated by the type of context. We hypothesize that boosting lexical support through preceding context may not strongly influence perceptual learning when ambiguous speech sounds can be identified solely from lexical information. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Attention, task demands, and multitalker processing costs in speech perception.

Determining how human listeners achieve phonetic constancy despite a variable mapping between the acoustics of speech and phonemic categories is the longest standing challenge in speech perception. A clue comes from studies where the talker changes randomly between stimuli, which slows processing compared with a single-talker baseline. These multitalker processing costs have been observed most often in speeded monitoring paradigms, where participants respond whenever a specific item occurs. Notably, the conventional paradigm imposes attentional demands via two forms of varied mapping in mixed-talker conditions. First, target recycling (i.e., allowing items to serve as targets on some trials but as distractors on others) potentially prevents the development of task automaticity. Second, in mixed trials, participants must respond to two unique stimuli (i.e., one target produced by each talker), whereas in blocked conditions, they need respond to only one token (i.e., multiple target tokens). We seek to understand how attentional demands influence talker normalization, as measured by multitalker processing costs. Across four experiments, multitalker processing costs persisted when target recycling was not allowed but diminished when only one stimulus served as the target on mixed trials. We discuss the logic of using varied mapping to elicit attentional effects and implications for theories of speech perception. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2021 APA, all rights reserved).

Talker familiarity and the accommodation of talker variability.

A fundamental problem in speech perception is how (or whether) listeners accommodate variability in the way talkers produce speech. One view of the way listeners cope with this variability is that talker differences are normalized - a mapping between talker-specific characteristics and phonetic categories is computed such that speech is recognized in the context of the talker's vocal characteristics. Consistent with this view, listeners process speech more slowly when the talker changes randomly than when the talker remains constant. An alternative view is that speech perception is based on talker-specific auditory exemplars in memory clustered around linguistic categories that allow talker-independent perception. Consistent with this view, listeners become more efficient at talker-specific phonetic processing after voice identification training. We asked whether phonetic efficiency would increase with talker familiarity by testing listeners with extremely familiar talkers (family members), newly familiar talkers (based on laboratory training), and unfamiliar talkers. We also asked whether familiarity would reduce the need for normalization. As predicted, phonetic efficiency (word recognition in noise) increased with familiarity (unfamiliar < trained-on < family). However, we observed a constant processing cost for talker changes even for pairs of family members. We discuss how normalization and exemplar theories might account for these results, and constraints the results impose on theoretical accounts of phonetic constancy.

Listener expectations and the perceptual accommodation of talker variability: A pre-registered replication.

Researchers have hypothesized that in order to accommodate variability in how talkers produce their speech sounds, listeners must perform a process of talker normalization. Consistent with this proposal, several studies have shown that spoken word recognition is slowed when speech is produced by multiple talkers compared with when all speech is produced by one talker (a multitalker processing cost). Nusbaum and colleagues have argued that talker normalization is modulated by attention (e.g., Nusbaum & Morin, 1992, Speech Perception, Production and Linguistic Structure, pp. 113-134). Some of the strongest evidence for this claim is from a speeded monitoring study where a group of participants who expected to hear two talkers showed a multitalker processing cost, but a separate group who expected one talker did not (Magnuson & Nusbaum, 2007, Journal of Experimental Psychology, 33[2], 391-409). In that study, however, the sample size was small and the crucial interaction was not significant. In this registered report, we present the results of a well-powered attempt to replicate those findings. In contrast to the previous study, we did not observe multitalker processing costs in either of our groups. To rule out the possibility that the null result was due to task constraints, we conducted a second experiment using a speeded classification task. As in Experiment 1, we found no influence of expectations on talker normalization, with no multitalker processing cost observed in either group. Our data suggest that the previous findings of Magnuson and Nusbaum (2007) be regarded with skepticism and that talker normalization may not be permeable to high-level expectations.