The risk of perinatal and cardiometabolic complications in pregnancies conceived by medically assisted reproduction.

PURPOSE: To examine the impact of medically assisted fertility treatments on the risk of developing perinatal and cardiometabolic complications during pregnancy and in-hospital deliveries. METHODS: We conducted a retrospective cohort study using medical health records of deliveries occurring in 2016-2022 at a women's specialty hospital in a southern state of the Unites States (US). Pregnancies achieved using medically assisted reproductive (MAR) techniques were compared with unassisted pregnancies using propensity score matching (PSM), based on demographic, preexisting health, and reproductive factors. Study outcomes included cesarean delivery, gestational diabetes mellitus (GDM), hypertensive disorders of pregnancy (HDP), delivery complications, and postpartum readmission. We used Poisson regression with robust standard errors to generate risk ratios (RRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for all study outcomes. RESULTS: Among 57,354 deliveries, 586 (1.02%) pregnancies were achieved using MAR and 56,768 (98.98%) were unassisted ("non-MAR"). Compared to the non-MAR group, MAR pregnancies had significantly higher prevalence of all study outcomes, including GDM (15.9% vs. 11.2%, p < 0.001), HDP (28.2% vs. 21.1%, p < 0.001), cesarean delivery (56.1% vs. 34.6%, p < 0.001), delivery complications (10.9% vs. 6.8%, p = 0.03), and postpartum readmission (4.3% vs. 2.7%, p = 0.02). In a PSM sample of 584 MAR and 1,727 unassisted pregnancies, MAR was associated with an increased risk of cesarean delivery (RR = 1.11, 95% CI = 1.01-1.22); whereas IVF was associated with an increased risk of cesarean delivery (RR = 1.15, 95% CI = 1.03-1.28) and delivery complications (RR = 1.44, 95% CI = 1.04-2.01). CONCLUSIONS: Women who conceived with MAR were at increased risk of cesarean deliveries, and those who conceived with IVF were additionally at risk of delivery complications.

Health care use and health consequences of geographic lack of access to abortion and maternity care.

BACKGROUND: Recent years have brought substantial declines in geographic access to abortion facilities and maternity care across the US. The purpose of this study was to identify the reproductive health consequences of living in a county without access to comprehensive reproductive health care services. METHODS: We analyzed National Center for Health Statistics data on all live births occurring in the US in 2020. We used data on locations of abortion facilities and availability of maternity care in order to classify counties by level of access to comprehensive reproductive health care services and defined comprehensive reproductive health care deserts as counties that did not have an abortion facility in the county or in any neighboring county and did not have any maternity care practitioners. We fit modified Poisson regression models with generalized estimating equations to estimate the degree to which living in a comprehensive reproductive health care desert was associated with receipt of timely and adequate prenatal care and risk of preterm birth, controlling for individual-level and county-level characteristics. RESULTS: In 2020, one third of counties in the US were comprehensive reproductive health care deserts (n = 1082), and 136,272 births occurred in these counties. In adjusted models, there was no difference in prenatal health care use (timeliness or adequacy of care) between persons in comprehensive reproductive health care deserts and those with full access to care, but the risk of preterm birth was significantly elevated (aRR =1.09, 95% CI = 1.06, 1.13). CONCLUSIONS: Lack of access to comprehensive reproductive health care services may increase the incidence of preterm birth.

State Abortion Policies and Maternal Death in the United States, 2015‒2018.

Objectives. To examine associations between state-level variation in abortion-restricting policies in 2015 and total maternal mortality (TMM), maternal mortality (MM), and late maternal mortality (LMM) from 2015 to 2018 in the United States. Methods. We derived an abortion policy composite index for each state based on 8 state-level abortion-restricting policies. We fit ecological state-level generalized linear Poisson regression models with robust standard errors to estimate 4-year TMM, MM, and LMM rate ratios and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) associated with a 1-unit increase in the abortion index, adjusting for state-level covariates. Results. States with the higher score of abortion policy composite index had a 7% increase in TMM (adjusted rate ratio [ARR] = 1.07; 95% CI = 1.02, 1.12) compared with states with lower abortion policy composite index, after we adjusted for state-level covariates. Among individual abortion policies, states with a licensed physician requirement had a 51% higher TMM (ARR = 1.51; 95% CI = 1.15, 1.99) and a 35% higher MM (ARR = 1.35; 95% CI = 1.09, 1.67), and states with restrictions on Medicaid coverage of abortion care had a 29% higher TMM (ARR = 1.29; 95% CI = 1.03, 1.61). Conclusions. Restricting access to abortion care at the state level may increase the risk for TMM.

Family experiences of personalised accommodation and support for people with intellectual disability.

Previous studies suggest that family members of people with intellectual disabilities prefer them to move to supervised living arrangements such as group homes. In Ireland, personalised arrangements are emerging, but families have had little exposure to this option. In this qualitative study, we explored the perspectives of family members following their relative's move to personalised support options, mostly from group homes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in 2011 with a family member of 17 people who had previously moved, with follow-up interviews held with 12 of them up to 18 months later. Thematic analysis on interview transcripts was conducted by three researchers. The family members spoke favourably of the new arrangements. A core theme of enabled independence emerged with subthemes of greater self-reliance in personal care, increased confidence, more social inclusion and gains for relatives. Reservations focussed on the need for more support hours, managing risk and loneliness.

Mass incarceration and public health: the association between black jail incarceration and adverse birth outcomes among black women in Louisiana.

BACKGROUND: A growing body of evidence is beginning to highlight how mass incarceration shapes inequalities in population health. Non-Hispanic blacks are disproportionately affected by incarceration and criminal law enforcement, an enduring legacy of a racially-biased criminal justice system with broad health implications for black families and communities. Louisiana has consistently maintained one of the highest rates of black incarceration in the nation. Concurrently, large racial disparities in population health persist. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional analysis of all births among non-Hispanic black women in Louisiana in 2014 to identify associations between parish-level (county equivalent) prevalence of jail incarceration within the black population and adverse birth outcomes (N = 23,954). We fit a log-Poisson model with generalized estimating equations to approximate the relative risk of preterm birth and low birth weight associated with an interquartile range increase in incarceration, controlling for confounders. In sensitivity analyses, we additionally adjusted for the parish-level index crime prevalence and analyzed regression models wherein white incarceration was used to predict the risk of adverse birth outcomes in order to quantify the degree to which mass incarceration may harm health above and beyond living in a high crime area. RESULTS: There was a significant 3% higher risk of preterm birth among black women associated with an interquartile range increase in the parish-level incarceration prevalence of black individuals, independent of other factors. Adjusting for the prevalence of index crimes did not substantively change the results of the models. CONCLUSION: Due to the positive significant associations between the prevalence of black individuals incarcerated in Louisiana jails and estimated risk of preterm birth, mass incarceration may be an underlying cause of the persistent inequities in reproductive health outcomes experienced by black women in Louisiana. Not only are there economic and social impacts stemming from mass incarceration, but there may also be implications for population health and health inequities, including the persistence of racial disparities in preterm birth and low birth weight.

States' Abortion Laws Associated With Intimate Partner Violence-Related Homicide Of Women And Girls In The US, 2014-20.

Women who are pregnant or recently gave birth are significantly more likely to be killed by an intimate partner than nonpregnant, nonpostpartum women of reproductive age, implicating the risk of fatal violence conferred by pregnancy itself. The rapidly increasing passage of state legislation has restricted or banned access to abortion care across the US. We used the most recent and only source of population-based data to examine the association between state laws that restrict access to abortion and trends in intimate partner violence-related homicide among women and girls ages 10-44 during the period 2014-20. Using robust difference-in-differences ecologic modeling, we found that enforcement of each additional Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers (TRAP) law was associated with a 3.4 percent increase in the rate of intimate partner violence-related homicide in this population. We estimated that 24.3 intimate partner violence-related homicides of women and girls ages 10-44 were associated with TRAP laws implemented in the states and years included in this analysis. Assessment of policies that restrict access to abortion should consider their potential harm to reproductive-age women through the risk for violent death.

Adverse Obstetric and Perinatal Outcomes Among Birthing People in Same-Sex and Different-Sex Relationships in Louisiana.

Purpose: We investigated sexual orientation disparities in several obstetric and perinatal outcomes in Louisiana and examined whether these disparities differed among Black, Latine, and White populations. Methods: We analyzed cross-sectional vital records data on singleton live births in Louisiana (2016-2022). Same-sex relationships (SSR) vs. different-sex relationships (DSR) were classified based on the sex of the parents listed on the birth certificate. Using modified Poisson regression, we estimated adjusted risk ratios and 95% confidence intervals among birthing persons in SSR vs. DSR for preterm birth (PTB), low birthweight (LBW), spontaneous labor, Cesarean delivery, gestational hypertension, and gestational diabetes. We examined within and across group disparities in models stratified by sexual orientation and race/ethnicity. Results: In the total birthing population, those in SSR experienced higher risk of gestational hypertension and gestational diabetes and were less likely to have spontaneous labor compared with persons in DSR. The risk of PTB and LBW was two-fold higher among Black birthing people in SSR compared with White birthing people in SSR and DSR. Latine birthing people in SSR experienced higher risk of gestational hypertension and gestational diabetes compared with their peers in DSR and White people in DSR. Some of these disparities were partially explained by including socioeconomic and health risk factors. Conclusion: Sexual orientation-related disparities exist across and within racial/ethnic groups among birthing people in Louisiana. Adopting an intersectional approach that considers the mutually constituted nature of heterosexism and racism is critical to addressing sexual orientation-related inequities in reproductive and perinatal health.

Income Inequality and Pregnancy-Associated Homicide in the US: A Longitudinal, State-Level Analysis.

Pregnancy-associated homicide remains an understudied yet critical issue. Using restricted use mortality files provided by the National Center for Health Statistics and the National Violent Death Reporting System, annual state-level pregnancy-associated homicide ratios were estimated as the count of deaths divided by the number of live births. The exposure, the state Gini index, was categorized into tertiles to compare states by levels of income inequality. In the final adjusted longitudinal linear model, those who experienced the greatest amount of income inequality had a significant 1.28 per 100,000 homicide rate when compared to the lowest income inequality tertile.

Associations Between State and Local Government Spending and Pregnancy-Related Mortality in the U.S.

INTRODUCTION: There is limited evidence on how government spending is associated with maternal death. This study investigates the associations between state and local government spending on social and healthcare services and pregnancy-related mortality among the total, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic White populations. METHODS: State-specific total population and race/ethnicity-specific 5-year (2015-2019) pregnancy-related mortality ratios were estimated from annual natality and mortality files provided by the National Center for Health Statistics. Data on state and local government spending and population-level characteristics were obtained from U.S. Census Bureau surveys. Generalized linear Poisson regression models with robust SEs were fitted to estimate adjusted rate ratios and 95% CIs associated with proportions of total spending allocated to social services and healthcare domains, adjusting for state-level covariates. All analyses were completed in 2021-2022. RESULTS: State and local government spending on transportation was associated with 11% lower overall pregnancy-related mortality (adjusted rate ratio=0.89, 95% CI=0.83, 0.96) and 9%-12% lower pregnancy-related mortality among the racial/ethnic groups. Among spending subdomains, expenditures on higher education, highways and roads, and parks and recreation were associated with lower pregnancy-related mortality rates in the total population (adjusted rate ratio=0.90, 95% CI=0.86, 0.94; adjusted rate ratio=0.87, 95% CI=0.81, 0.94; and adjusted rate ratio=0.68, 95% CI=0.49, 0.95, respectively). These results were consistent among the racial/ethnic groups, but patterns of associations with pregnancy-related mortality and other spending subdomains differed notably between racial/ethnic groups. CONCLUSIONS: Investing more in local- and state-targeted spending in social services may decrease the risk for pregnancy-related mortality, particularly among Black women.

Seminar: Scalable Preprocessing Tools for Exposomic Data Analysis.

BACKGROUND: The exposome serves as a popular framework in which to study exposures from chemical and nonchemical stressors across the life course and the differing roles that these exposures can play in human health. As a result, data relevant to the exposome have been used as a resource in the quest to untangle complicated health trajectories and help connect the dots from exposures to adverse outcome pathways. OBJECTIVES: The primary aim of this methods seminar is to clarify and review preprocessing techniques critical for accurate and effective external exposomic data analysis. Scalability is emphasized through an application of highly innovative combinatorial techniques coupled with more traditional statistical strategies. The Public Health Exposome is used as an archetypical model. The novelty and innovation of this seminar's focus stem from its methodical, comprehensive treatment of preprocessing and its demonstration of the positive effects preprocessing can have on downstream analytics. DISCUSSION: State-of-the-art technologies are described for data harmonization and to mitigate noise, which can stymie downstream interpretation, and to select key exposomic features, without which analytics may lose focus. A main task is the reduction of multicollinearity, a particularly formidable problem that frequently arises from repeated measurements of similar events taken at various times and from multiple sources. Empirical results highlight the effectiveness of a carefully planned preprocessing workflow as demonstrated in the context of more highly concentrated variable lists, improved correlational distributions, and enhanced downstream analytics for latent relationship discovery. The nascent field of exposome science can be characterized by the need to analyze and interpret a complex confluence of highly inhomogeneous spatial and temporal data, which may present formidable challenges to even the most powerful analytical tools. A systematic approach to preprocessing can therefore provide an essential first step in the application of modern computer and data science methods. https://doi.org/10.1289/EHP12901.

Structural racism, racial inequities and urban-rural differences in infant mortality in the US.

BACKGROUND: While evidence shows considerable geographic variations in county-level racial inequities in infant mortality, the role of structural racism across urban-rural lines remains unexplored. The objective of this study was to examine the associations between county-level structural racism (racial inequity in educational attainment, median household income and jail incarceration) and infant mortality and heterogeneity between urban and rural areas. METHODS: Using linked live birth/infant death data provided by the National Center for Health Statistics, we calculated overall and race-specific 2013-2017 5-year infant mortality rates (IMRs) per 1000 live births in every county. Racially stratified and area-stratified negative binomial regression models estimated IMR ratios and 95% CIs associated with structural racism indicators, adjusting for county-level confounders. Adjusted linear regression models estimated associations between structural racism indicators and the absolute and relative racial inequity in IMR. RESULTS: In urban counties, structural racism indicators were associated with 7%-8% higher black IMR, and an overall structural racism score was associated with 9% greater black IMR; however, these findings became insignificant when adjusting for the region. In white population, structural racism indicators and the overall structural racism score were associated with a 6% decrease in urban white IMR. Both absolute and relative racial inequity in IMR were exacerbated in urban counties with greater levels of structural racism. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings highlight the complex relationship between structural racism and population health across urban-rural lines and suggest its contribution to the maintenance of health inequities in urban settings.

Firearm Relinquishment Laws Associated With Substantial Reduction In Homicide Of Pregnant And Postpartum Women.

Homicide is a leading cause of death among women who are pregnant and up to one year postpartum in the United States. Most incidents are perpetrated by an intimate partner with a firearm. Some states have implemented laws that prohibit firearm possession by perpetrators of domestic violence and, in some instances, include explicit statutory language mandating relinquishment of firearms once a person has become prohibited from possessing them. We examined the impact of these policies on state-level rates of homicide among pregnant and postpartum women during the period 2011-19. We found that state laws prohibiting possession of firearms and requiring relinquishment of firearms by people convicted of domestic violence-related misdemeanors were associated with substantial reductions in homicide of pregnant and postpartum women. State policy makers should consider further strengthening domestic violence-related firearm regulations and their enforcement to prevent homicide of pregnant and postpartum women.

Homicide During Pregnancy and the Postpartum Period in the United States, 2018-2019.

OBJECTIVE: To estimate the national pregnancy-associated homicide mortality ratio, characterize pregnancy-associated homicide victims, and compare the risk of homicide in the perinatal period (pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum) with risk among nonpregnant, nonpostpartum females aged 10-44 years. METHODS: Data from the National Center for Health Statistics 2018 and 2019 mortality files were used to identify all female decedents aged 10-44 in the United States. These data were used to estimate 2-year pregnancy-associated homicide mortality ratios (deaths/100,000 live births) for comparison with homicide mortality among nonpregnant, nonpostpartum females (deaths/100,000 population) and to mortality ratios for direct maternal causes of death. We compared characteristics and estimated homicide mortality rate ratios and 95% CIs between pregnant or postpartum and nonpregnant, nonpostpartum victims for the total population and with stratification by race and ethnicity and age. RESULTS: There were 3.62 homicides per 100,000 live births among females who were pregnant or within 1 year postpartum, 16% higher than homicide prevalence among nonpregnant and nonpostpartum females of reproductive age (3.12 deaths/100,000 population, P<.05). Homicide during pregnancy or within 42 days of the end of pregnancy exceeded all the leading causes of maternal mortality by more than twofold. Pregnancy was associated with a significantly elevated homicide risk in the Black population and among girls and younger women (age 10-24 years) across racial and ethnic subgroups. CONCLUSION: Homicide is a leading cause of death during pregnancy and the postpartum period in the United States. Pregnancy and the postpartum period are times of elevated risk for homicide among all females of reproductive age.

Association of State Gestational Age Limit Abortion Laws With Infant Mortality.

INTRODUCTION: A growing number of state legislatures have passed laws that restrict access to abortion care after a specified gestational age (gestational age limit laws). The impact of these laws on maternal and child population health outcomes and inequities is unknown. The objective of this study is to determine whether states that implement gestational age limit laws experience subsequent changes in rates of infant mortality. METHODS: Using U.S. population‒based data from the National Center for Health Statistics Linked Infant Birth-Death Files (2005-2017), difference-in-differences models were estimated using multivariable linear regressions to compare the trends in infant mortality (all-cause and cause-specific rates) in states with gestational age limit laws with the trends in states without such laws. Models stratified by maternal racial/ethnic group explored racial heterogeneity in the law's impact. Data were analyzed in 2020. RESULTS: This study included 16,232,133 births in states that enacted a gestation age limit abortion law and 36,472,309 births in states that did not from 2005 to 2017. In difference-in-difference analyses, gestational age limit laws were associated with 0.23 excess infant deaths per 1,000 live births (95% CI=0.09, 0.37, p<0.01). In cause-specific analyses, gestational age limit laws were associated with 0.10 additional infant deaths owing to congenital anomalies per 1,000 live births (95% CI=0.03, 0.17, p=0.01). Associations between gestational age limit laws and infant mortality in models stratified by maternal racial/ethnic group were not statistically significant. CONCLUSIONS: On the basis of data from 2005 to 2017, states that enacted gestational age limit abortion laws subsequently experienced increased infant mortality rates.

Maternity Care Deserts and Pregnancy-Associated Mortality in Louisiana.

BACKGROUND: Maternal mortality is an issue of growing concern in the United States, where the incidence of death during pregnancy and postpartum seems to be increasing. The purpose of this analysis was to explore whether residing in a maternity care desert (defined as a county with no hospital offering obstetric care and no OB/GYN or certified nurse midwife providers) was associated with risk of death during pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum among women in Louisiana from 2016 to 2017. METHODS: Data provided by the March of Dimes were used to classify Louisiana parishes by level of access to maternity care. Using data on all pregnancy-associated deaths verified by the Louisiana Department of Health (n = 112 from 2016 to 2017) and geocoded live births occurring in Louisiana during the same time period (n = 101,484), we fit adjusted modified Poisson regression models with generalized estimating equations and exploratory spatial analysis to identify significant associations between place of residence and risk of death. RESULTS: We found that the risk of death during pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum owing to any cause (pregnancy-associated mortality) and in particular death owing to obstetric causes (pregnancy-related mortality) was significantly elevated among women residing in maternity care deserts compared with women in areas with greater access (adjusted risk ratio [aRR] for pregnancy-associated mortality, 1.91; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.15-3.18; aRR for pregnancy-related mortality, 3.37; 95% CI, 1.71-6.65). A large racial inequity in risk persisted above and beyond differences in geographic access to maternity care (non-Hispanic Black vs. non-Hispanic White aRR for pregnancy-associated mortality, 2.22; 95% CI, 1.39-3.56; aRR for pregnancy-related mortality, 2.66; 95% CI, 1.16-6.12). CONCLUSIONS: Ensuring access to maternity care may be an important step toward maternal mortality prevention, but may alone be insufficient for achieving maternal health equity.

Analysis of State-Level Immigrant Policies and Preterm Births by Race/Ethnicity Among Women Born in the US and Women Born Outside the US.

Importance: Criminalizing immigrant policies, a form of structural racism, are associated with preterm birth; however, to date, few population studies have examined this association by race and nativity status or examined the association of inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth. Objective: To assess the extent to which variation in preterm birth by race/ethnicity and nativity status is associated with state-level criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies. Design, Setting, and Participants: This retrospective, cross-sectional study analyzed birth record data from all 50 states and the District of Columbia in 2018, as well as state-level indicators of inclusive and criminalizing immigrant policies. White, Black, Asian, and Latina women who had singleton births were included in the study. Statistical analysis was performed from June 1, 2020, to February 5, 2021. Two continuous variables were created to capture the number of criminalizing vs inclusive immigrant policies in effect as of 2017 in each state. Main Outcomes and Measures: The main outcome measure was preterm birth (<37 weeks' gestation). Results: Among the 3 455 514 live births that occurred in 2018, 10.0% were preterm, and 23.2% were to mothers born outside the US. Overall, for women born outside the US, each additional state-level inclusive policy was associated with a 2% decrease in preterm birth (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 0.98 [95% CI, 0.96-1.00]); there were no significant associations between inclusive policies and preterm birth among women born in the US. In models examining the combined associations of criminalizing and inclusive immigrant policies with preterm birth, each additional criminalizing policy was associated with a 5% increase in preterm birth among Black women born outside the US (aOR, 1.05 [95% CI, 1.00-1.10]). Each additional inclusive immigrant policy was associated with a lower likelihood of preterm birth for Asian women born in the US (aOR, 0.95 [95% CI, 0.93-0.98]) and White women born outside the US (aOR, 0.97 [95% CI, 0.95-0.99]). No significant associations were found among other groups. Conclusions and Relevance: This study suggests that criminalizing immigrant policies are associated with an increase in preterm birth specifically for Black women born outside the US. Inclusive immigrant policies are associated with a decrease in preterm birth for immigrants overall, Asian women born in the US, and White women born outside the US. No associations were found between criminalizing or inclusive immigrant policies and preterm birth among Latina women.

Women's Reproductive Rights Policies and Adverse Birth Outcomes: A State-Level Analysis to Assess the Role of Race and Nativity Status.

INTRODUCTION: Reproductive rights policies can potentially support or inhibit individuals' abilities to attain the highest standard of reproductive and sexual health; however, research is limited on how broader social policies may differentially impact women of color and immigrants in the U.S. This study examines the associations among state-level reproductive rights policies, race, and nativity status with preterm birth and low birth weight in the U.S. METHODS: This was a retrospective, cross-sectional analysis of all births occurring within all the 50 states and the District of Columbia using vital statistics birth record data in 2016 (N=3,945,875). Modified log-Poisson regression models with generalized estimating equations were fitted to estimate the RR of preterm birth and low birth weight associated with tertiles of the reproductive rights policies index. Analyses were conducted between 2019 and 2020. RESULTS: Compared with women in states with the most restrictive reproductive rights policies, women living in the least restrictive states had a 7% lower low birth weight risk (adjusted RR=0.93, 95% CI=0.88, 0.99). In particular, low birth weight risk was 8% lower among Black women living in the least restrictive states than among their counterparts living in the most restrictive states (adjusted RR=0.92, 95% CI=0.86, 0.99). In addition, low birth weight risk was 6% lower among U.S.-born Black women living in the least restrictive states than among those living in the most restrictive states, but this was marginally significant (adjusted RR=0.94, 95% CI=0.89, 1.00). No other significant associations were found for race-nativity-stratified models. CONCLUSIONS: Women living in states with fewer restrictions related to reproductive rights have lower rates of low birth weight, especially for Black women.

Income inequality and racial disparities in pregnancy-related mortality in the US.

In this ecological study, we examined the associations between state-level income inequality and pregnancy-related mortality among non-Hispanic (NH) black and NH white populations across the US. We estimated total population and race-specific 5-year pregnancy-related mortality ratios in each state based on national death and live birth records from 2011 to 2015. We obtained data on Gini coefficients for income inequality and population-level characteristics from the US Census American Community Survey. Poisson regression with robust standard errors estimated pregnancy-related mortality rate ratios (RR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) associated with a one unit increase in income inequality overall and separately within black and white populations. Adjusted linear regression models estimated the associations between income inequality and magnitude of the absolute and relative racial inequity in pregnancy-related mortality within states. Across all states, increasing contemporaneous income inequality was associated with a 15% and 5-year lagged inequality with 14% increase in pregnancy-related mortality among black women (aRR = 1.15, 95% CI = 1.05; 1.25 and aRR = 1.14, 95% CI = 1.04; 1.24, respectively) after controlling for states' racial compositions and socio-economic conditions. In addition, both lagged and contemporaneous income inequality were associated with larger absolute and relative racial inequities in pregnancy-related mortality. These findings highlight the role of contextual factors in contributing to pregnancy-related mortality among black women and the persistent racial inequity in maternal death in the US.