RESUMO
While economic inequalities have been a key focus of attention through the COVID 19 pandemic, gendered relations of power at every level have undermined health rights of women, girls and gender diverse individuals. Sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR) have always been sites of power contestations within families, societies, cultures, and politics; these struggles are exacerbated by economic, racial, religious, caste, citizenship status, and other social inequities, especially in times of crisis such as these. Policy responses to the COVID pandemic such as lockdown, quarantine, contact tracing and similar measures are premised on the existence of a social contract between the government and the people and among people, with the health sector playing a key role in preventive and curative care.We propose the use of an intersectional lens to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the social contract, drawing on our field experiences from different continents particularly as related to SRHR. Along with documenting the ways in which the pandemic hinders access to services, we note that it is essential to interrogate state-society relations in the context of vulnerable and marginalized groups, in order to understand implications for SRHR. Intersectional analysis takes on greater importance now than in non-pandemic times as the state exercises more police or other powers and deploys myriad ways of 'othering'.We conclude that an intersectional analysis should not limit itself to the cumulative disadvantages and injustices posed by the pandemic for specific social groups, but also examine the historical inequalities, structural drivers, and damaged social contract that underlie state-society relationships. At the same time, the pandemic has questioned the status quo and in doing so it has provided opportunities for disruption; for re-imagining a social contract that reaches across sectors, and builds community resilience and solidarities while upholding human rights and gender justice. This must find place in future organizing and advocacy around SRHR.
Assuntos
Infecções por Coronavirus/prevenção & controle , Pandemias/prevenção & controle , Pneumonia Viral/prevenção & controle , Política , Direitos Sexuais e Reprodutivos , COVID-19 , Infecções por Coronavirus/epidemiologia , Feminino , Saúde Global , Acessibilidade aos Serviços de Saúde , Humanos , Pneumonia Viral/epidemiologia , Saúde Reprodutiva , Serviços de Saúde Reprodutiva , Saúde SexualRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Women in India are often asked to make informal payments for maternal health care services that the government has mandated to be free. This paper is a descriptive case study of a social accountability project undertaken by SAHAYOG, a nongovernmental organization in Uttar Pradesh, India. SAHAYOG worked with community-based organizations and a grassroots forum comprised of low caste, Muslim, and tribal women to decrease the prevalence of health provider demands that women and their families make informal payments. METHODS: The study entailed document review; interviews and focus group discussions with program implementers, governmental stakeholders, and community activists; and participant observation in health facilities. RESULTS: The study found that SAHAYOG adapted their strategy over time to engender greater empowerment and satisfaction among program participants, as well as greater impact on the health system. Participants gained knowledge resources and agency; they learned about their entitlements, had access to mechanisms for complaints, and, despite risk of retaliation, many felt capable of demanding their rights in a variety of fora. However, only program participants seemed successfully able to avoid making informal payments to the health sector; health providers still demanded that other women make payments. Several features of the micro and macro context shaped the trajectory of SAHAYOG's efforts, including deeply rooted caste dynamics, low provider commitment to ending informal payments, the embeddedness of informal payments, human resources scarcity, and the overlapping private interests of pharmaceutical companies and providers. CONCLUSION: Though changes were manifest in certain fora, providers have not necessarily embraced the notion of low caste, tribal, or Muslim women as citizens with entitlements, especially in the context of free government services for childbirth. Grassroots advocates, CBOs, and SAHAYOG assumed a supremely difficult task. Project strategy changes may have made the task somewhat less difficult, but given the population making the rights claims and the rights they were claiming, widespread changes in demands for informal payments may require a much larger and stronger coalition.
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Gastos em Saúde/estatística & dados numéricos , Serviços de Saúde Materna/economia , Parto/psicologia , Pobreza/psicologia , Marginalização Social/psicologia , Adulto , Medo , Feminino , Grupos Focais , Gastos em Saúde/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Índia , Islamismo/psicologia , Organizações , Grupos Populacionais/psicologia , Pobreza/economia , Gravidez , Classe Social , Responsabilidade SocialRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Over the past 15 years, several efforts have been made by the Government of India to improve maternal health, primarily through providing cash incentives to increase institutional child birth and strengthen services in the public health system. The result has been a definite but unequal increase in the proportion of institutional deliveries, across geographical areas and social groups. Tribal (indigenous) communities are one such group in which the proportion of institutional deliveries is low. The persistence of these inequities indicates that a different approach is required to address the maternal health challenges in these communities. METHODS: This paper describes an exploratory study in Rayagada District of Odisha which aimed to understand tribal women's experiences with pregnancy and childbirth and their interactions with the formal health system. Methods included in-depth interviews with women, traditional healers and formal health care providers and outreach workers, observations in the community and health facilities. RESULTS: The exploration of traditional practices shows that in this community, pregnancy and childbirth is treated as part of a natural process, not requiring external intervention. There is a well-established practice of birthing in the community which also recognizes the need for health system interventions in case of high-risk births or complications. However, there has been no effort by the health system to build on this traditional understanding of safety of woman and child. Instead, the system continues to rely on incentives and disincentives to motivate women. Traditional health providers who are important stakeholders have not been integrated into the health system. Despite the immense difficulties that women face, however, they do access health facilities, but barriers of distance, language, cultural inappropriateness of services, and experiences of gross violations have further compounded their distrust. CONCLUSIONS: The results of the study suggest a re-examining of the very approach to addressing maternal health in this community. The study calls for reorienting maternal health services, to be responsive to the requirements of tribal women, cater to their cultural needs, provide support to domiciliary deliveries, invest in building trust with the community, and preserve beneficial traditional practices.
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Atitude Frente a Saúde , Parto Obstétrico/psicologia , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , Serviços de Saúde Materna , Aceitação pelo Paciente de Cuidados de Saúde/psicologia , Adulto , Cultura , Atenção à Saúde/normas , Parto Obstétrico/estatística & dados numéricos , Feminino , Acessibilidade aos Serviços de Saúde/normas , Humanos , Índia , Serviços de Saúde Materna/normas , Motivação , Gravidez , Pesquisa Qualitativa , Fatores SocioeconômicosRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Preventable maternal mortality and morbidity have been globally recognized as human rights issues. Maternal mortality in India is among the highest in the world, and reflects inequity in access to healthcare: women from certain states as well as poorer women and less literate women appear to be significantly disadvantaged. The government of India has been attempting to improve maternal outcomes through a cash transfer within the National Rural Health Mission to encourage women to come to hospitals for childbirth. METHODS: This paper reviews documents of the last ten years describing the experiences of a Non-Governmental Organisation, SAHAYOG, in working with a civil society platform, the Healthwatch Forum, to develop 'rights based' strategies around maternal health. The paper builds an analysis using recent frameworks on accountability and gendered rights claiming to examine these experiences and draw out lessons regarding rights claiming strategies for poor women. RESULTS: The examination of documents over the last ten years indicates defined phases of development in the evolution of SAHAYOG's understanding and of the shifts in strategy among SAHAYOG and its close allies, and responses by the state. The first three stages depict the deepening of SAHAYOG's understanding of the manner in which poor and marginalized women negotiate their access to health care; the fourth stage explores a health system intervention and the challenges of working from within civil society in alliance with poor and marginalized women. CONCLUSION: The findings from SAHAYOG's experiences with poor Dalit women in Uttar Pradesh reveal the elements of social exclusion within the health system that prevent poor and marginalized women from accessing effective lifesaving care. Creating a voice for the most marginalised and carving space for its articulation impacts upon the institutions and actors that have a duty to meet the claims being made. However, given the accountability deficit, the analysis indicates the importance of going beyond the normative to developing actor-oriented perspectives within rights based approaches, to take into account the complexity of the negotiating process that goes into claiming any kind of entitlements.
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Information and Communication Technology (ICT) may facilitate the collection and dissemination of citizen-generated data to enhance governmental accountability for the fulfillment of the right to health. The aim of this multiple case study research was to distill considerations related to the implementation of ICT and health accountability projects, describe the added operational value of ICT tools (as compared to similar projects that do not use ICT), and make preliminary statements regarding government responsiveness to accountability demands through ICT projects. In all three projects, the need for relationship building, continuous community engagement and technical support, and training for volunteers or service users was identified. Government responsiveness to the data varied, suggesting that political will is lacking in certain contexts. Despite these challenges, ICT initiatives provided an easy, accessible, and low-risk platform for reporting violations and demanding accountability from service providers and decision-makers. ICT-enabled citizen generated data can add significant operational value and some political value to project activities and goals, and may affect systems change when it is part of a broad-based, multi-level civil societal and governmental effort to improve health care quality.
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Comunicação , Participação da Comunidade , Tecnologia da Informação , Responsabilidade Social , Atenção à Saúde , Países em Desenvolvimento , Guatemala , Pessoal de Saúde , Direitos Humanos , Humanos , Índia , Modelos Organizacionais , Qualidade da Assistência à SaúdeRESUMO
Community-Based Monitoring (CBM) is a participatory process in which citizens gather evidence on services to hold governments accountable to their commitments. Research on CBM for health in developing countries has mostly measured its impact on service performance. Overall, these studies have produced mixed evidence of CBM's effectiveness. This has led some authors to question the role of civic engagement, especially in communities where expectations from public services and power to demand for change are low. This conclusion, we argue, overlooks the role of the CBM process in fostering both participation and social change. Drawing from qualitative research with the Indian grassroots women's organisation Mahila Swasthya Adhikar Manch, we argue that CBM can foster political capabilities through mediating communities' relationships with the state as well as relationships within communities. The engagement of women and their power to demand for change in the health sector and beyond emerges at the intersection of these two spheres. This suggests that measuring the impact of CBM on health services is not sufficient. Expanding the focus of research on CBM to its process is necessary to fully understand the role of civic engagement and to restore its political relevance.
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Redes Comunitárias , Serviços de Saúde Materna/normas , Política , Responsabilidade Social , Saúde da Mulher , Humanos , Índia , Pesquisa QualitativaRESUMO
This article, based on the report of the fact-finding team on the gang rape and death of an accredited social health activist (ASHA) in Muzaffarnagar in January 2016, attempts to analyse the issues of the safety and mobility of front-line women health workers. It argues that although the National Health Mission is often alluded to as a flagship programme of the government, it has failed in its basic responsibility as an ethical employer, since there is no support and back-up system that can be easily accessed by ASHAs in terms of dealing with the fallout of their social role as "change agents" in rural areas, and community reactions to their mobility and public exposure. The report stresses the need to consider the deeply patriarchal system within which ASHAs function in states such as Uttar Pradesh. It also discusses the fact that the workforce is increasingly shifting from the formal to the informal sector, which has given rise to an assumption that the employer is no longer accountable for women workers' safety at the workplace.
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Violência de Gênero , Pessoal de Saúde , Obrigações Morais , Programas Nacionais de Saúde/ética , Serviços de Saúde Rural , Segurança , Violência no Trabalho , Vítimas de Crime , Características da Família , Feminino , Homicídio , Humanos , Índia , Estupro , MulheresRESUMO
Intrapartum use of oxytocin should entail controlled dosages administered through infusion, continual monitoring of mother and fetus and surgical back-up, since several adverse outcomes have been reported. However, in Uttar Pradesh, north India, small-scale ethnographic studies as well as a large-scale retrospective survey have established that unmonitored intramuscular oxytocin injections are commonly given to birthing mothers to augment labour by unregistered local male practitioners and auxiliary nurse-midwives employed by government during home deliveries. India's reproductive and child health policy needs to address the inappropriate use of oxytocin. Under a new 2007 policy, female government health workers at peripheral institutions are to be supplied with oxytocin to inject during the third stage of labour to prevent post-partum haemorrhage. The practice of injecting oxytocin intrapartum could readily be reinforced by this policy shift. There is an urgent need to ensure that home births are safer for mothers and babies alike, since India's current policy goals of raising the numbers of institutional deliveries, ensuring skilled attendance at birth and improving referrals for emergency obstetric care cannot be met in the foreseeable future. In a context of enduringly high infant and maternal mortality, especially in Uttar Pradesh and other large northern states, the question of whether or not inappropriate use of oxytocin is contributing to maternal and newborn morbidity and mortality deserves further research.