Gendered histories: garment production and migration in Mexico.

Data gathered in Aguascalientes during the 1990s are used to analyze how the garment industry in Mexico has responded to economic recession and trade liberalization. In particular, the relationship between industrial change and gendered patterns of migration are explored. The author concludes that "migration over recent years has increasingly allowed working women the possibility of entering a transnational labour force and given them important labouring and living experiences on both sides of the border."

A high-priced slot in the world of work.

PIP: Since the beginning of the 1980s, female labor force participation has risen steadily in both the developing and the developed world, while economic activity rates for men have fallen. Female employment has increased even faster than the growth of the female labor force. The increase was most spectacular in countries such as Spain and the Netherlands which entered the 1980s with relatively few women in the labor force. Women now comprise almost half of the labor force in the US, Canada, and the Nordic countries. In Central and Eastern Europe, female labor seems not to have suffered more than that of men in the transition to a market economy and the recession. In developing countries, a large part of the women's labor force continues to be invisible with regard to official statistics which do not adequately reflect women's productive work in the nonmarket economy. Women's increasing economic contribution remains undervalued. Efforts must continue against inequality and discrimination for reasons of social justice and human rights, as well as in the interest of the economy and sustainable development. The growing presence of women in the labor market comes at increasing costs to themselves and to their children, segments of the population which are most vulnerable to the negative impacts of the market and structural adjustment, deteriorating working conditions, unstable or insecure earnings, and the lack of social protection.^ieng

Out of the shadows towards global recognition.

PIP: Some people produce goods or provide services for an employer or contractor at a place of the worker's choosing. Such work is often undertaken in the worker's home, thus leading to the labeling of such work as home work. There is no direct supervision by the employer or contractor and the employer-employee relationship is difficult to establish. As a category of workers, homeworkers are among the most exploited because they belong to the unorganized sector, accepting pay rates which tend to be well below going rates for even unskilled labor. Indeed, extremely low compensation is the most crucial single issue facing homeworkers. Wages are almost universally based upon the piece-rate system which leads to excessively long working hours, the employment of many unpaid assistants, and child labor. Homeworkers are outside the scope of existing social security schemes and are cut off from the enterprise by a network of agents, contractors, and middlemen. 90% of homeworkers are women. Prevalent though home work may be in both urban and rural areas, the deregulation of labor markets, the globalization of production, and the development of regional trade agreements are causing an increase in the number of homeworkers worldwide. The International Labor Organization recognizes homeworkers as a category of workers in need of special assistance and has taken practical action and adopted viable strategies to improve their situation. The organization even envisages the adoption of a convention to guarantee them minimum protection.^ieng

Study on the situation of female employment in the Guangxi Zhuangzhu autonomous region.

PIP: This study examined the gap between the female labor force and employment opportunities in Guangxi Zhuangzhu Autonomous Region (GZAR) in China. Data were obtained from the 1990 census and the 1% sample survey in 1995. GZAR has undergone recent market reforms. In 1995, the total number of employed persons was 24,520,500, of whom 46.8% were women; 46.3% were employed women in 1990. Female employment grew by 8.3% during 1990-95; male employment grew by 5.8%. GZAR has a higher rate of female employment than other provinces. The female employment rates in GZAR, Guangdong, and Guizhou were fairly stable. Rates were the highest in the middle age group and lowest among the old and young. Women in GZAR begin work at an earlier age. The higher female employment rate is attributed to expansion of the light and service industries and migration of males outside home areas. During 1990-95, the number of women working declined in agriculture and increased in light industry and service sectors, especially in wholesale and retail trades, finance and insurance, and restaurants. Women in professions increased. Female professionals were 331/10,000 in GZAR, 410/10,000 in Guizhou, and 743/10,000 in Guangdong. Female professionals were better educated than male professionals. The percentage of illiterates and semiliterates declined by 3.0% for women and 1.8% for men. More women than men worked in areas that required strength. Female unemployment was high; reemployment was higher for males. Four suggestions are made to improve women's economic position.^ieng

[Changes in patterns of behavior toward work of mothers who gave birth to their children in the 1980s (results of a survey conducted in 1988 by the Institute of Social Economy)]. / Przemiany wzorow zachowan matek wobec pracy po urodzeniu dziecka w latach 80-tych (wyniki badania IGS z 1988 r.).

PIP: The results of a 1988 survey of 5,382 young Polish mothers concerning employment following the birth of a child are presented. They show that 83 percent of mothers return to work following maternity leave, that educational and salary levels are the primary factors affecting return to work, and that women are taking increasing lengths of time away from work to care for children. (SUMMARY IN ENG AND RUS)^ieng

Women's struggle against poverty: the SEWA story.

PIP: The Self-Employed Women's Association (SEWA) is an Ahmedabad-based union of women workers established in 1972. Backed by 212,000 association members organized to fight poverty through full employment and self-reliance, SEWA workers demand the right to work for food, income, and social security. Since its creation, SEWA has fought to gain the recognition of home-based and outside workers' legitimate rights. However, it was realized during the course of such struggle that struggle alone could not fulfill the demands, needs, and priorities of workers. There was also a need to create alternative economic organizations of workers. The joint action of union and cooperatives has therefore been SEWA's organizing strategy for more than 2 decades. An account of employment and income generated by SEWA members in 1997 is presented. Building alternative economic organizations is discussed in terms of access to capital, markets, raw materials, and knowledge and skills; building organizational and managerial capacities; upgrading skills through training; social security; and enabling policies.^ieng