Malaria community health workers in Myanmar: a cost analysis.

BACKGROUND: Myanmar has the highest malaria incidence and attributed mortality in South East Asia with limited healthcare infrastructure to manage this burden. Establishing malaria Community Health Worker (CHW) programmes is one possible strategy to improve access to malaria diagnosis and treatment, particularly in remote areas. Despite considerable donor support for implementing CHW programmes in Myanmar, the cost implications are not well understood. METHODS: An ingredients based micro-costing approach was used to develop a model of the annual implementation cost of malaria CHWs in Myanmar. A cost model was constructed based on activity centres comprising of training, patient malaria services, monitoring and supervision, programme management, overheads and incentives. The model takes a provider perspective. Financial data on CHWs programmes were obtained from the 2013 financial reports of the Three Millennium Development Goal fund implementing partners that have been working on malaria control and elimination in Myanmar. Sensitivity and scenario analyses were undertaken to outline parameter uncertainty and explore changes to programme cost for key assumptions. RESULTS: The range of total annual costs for the support of one CHW was US$ 966-2486. The largest driver of CHW cost was monitoring and supervision (31-60% of annual CHW cost). Other important determinants of cost included programme management (15-28% of annual CHW cost) and patient services (6-12% of annual CHW cost). Within patient services, malaria rapid diagnostic tests are the major contributor to cost (64% of patient service costs). CONCLUSION: The annual cost of a malaria CHW in Myanmar varies considerably depending on the context and the design of the programme, in particular remoteness and the approach to monitoring and evaluation. The estimates provide information to policy makers and CHW programme planners in Myanmar as well as supporting economic evaluations of their cost-effectiveness.

Community health worker in hard-to-reach rural areas of Myanmar: filling primary health care service gaps.

BACKGROUND: Myanmar is classified as critical shortage of health workforce. In responses to limited number of trained health workforce in the hard-to-reach and remote areas, the MOH trained the Community Health Worker (CHW) as health volunteers serving these communities on a pro bono basis. This study aimed to assess the socio-economic profiles, contributions of CHW to primary health care services and their needs for supports to maintain their quality contributions in rural hard to reach areas in Myanmar. METHODS: In 2013, cross-sectional census survey was conducted on all three groups of CHW classified by their training dates: (1) prior to 2000, (2) between 2000 and 2011, and (3) more recently trained in 2012, who are still working in 21 townships of 17 states and regions in Myanmar, using a self-administered questionnaire survey in the Burmese language. FINDINGS: The total 715 CHWs from 21 townships had completely responded to the questionnaire. CHWs were trained to support the work of midwives in the sub-centres and health assistant and midwives in rural health centres (RHCs) such as community mobilization for immunization, advocates of safe water and sanitation, and general health education and health awareness for the citizens. CHWs were able to provide some of the services by themselves, such as treatment of simple illnesses, and they provided services to 62 patients in the last 6 months. Their contributions to primary health care services were well accepted by the communities as they are geographically and culturally accessible. However, supports from the RHC were inadequate in particular technical supervision, as well as replenishment of CHW kits and financial support for their work and transportation. In practice, 6 % of service provided by CHWs was funded by the community and 22 % by the patients. The CHW's confidence in providing health services was positively associated with their age, education, and more recent training. A majority of them intended to serve as a CHW for more than the next 5 years which was determined by their ages, confidence, and training batch. CONCLUSIONS: CHWs are the health volunteers in the community supporting the midwives in hard-to-reach areas; given their contributions and easy access, policies to strengthen support to sustain their contributions and ensure the quality of services are recommended.

Trends in attrition among medical teaching staff at universities in Myanmar 2009-2013.

Although lack of human resources for health is becoming a global problem, there are few studies on human resources in Myanmar. This study was conducted to investigate the attrition rates of teaching staff from universities for medical professions in Myanmar from 2009 to 2013. The data were collected from administrative records from Department of Medical Sciences, Ministry of Health, Myanmar. Numbers of staff and those who permanently left work (attrition) from 2009 to 2013 were counted. The reasons were classified into two categories; involuntary attrition (death or retirement) and voluntary attrition (resignation or absenteeism). Official records of the attrited staff were reviewed for identifying demographic characteristics. The annual attrition rate for all kinds of health workers was about 4%. Among 494 attrited staff from 2009 to 2013, 357 staff (72.3%) left their work by involuntary attrition, while 137 staff (27.7%) left voluntarily. Doctors left their work with the highest annual rate (6.7%), while the rate for nurses was the lowest (1.1%). Male staff attrited with a higher rate (4.6%) than female staff (2.7%). Staff aged 46-60 years had the highest attrition rate. PhD degree holders had the highest rate (5.9%), while basic degree holders had the second highest rate (3.5%). Associate professors and above showed the highest attrition rate (8.1%). Teaching staff from non-clinical subjects had the higher rates (8.2%). Among 494 attrited staff, significant differences between involuntary attrition and voluntary attrition were observed in age, marital status, education, overseas degree, position, field of teaching, duration of services and duration of non-residential service. These findings indicated the need to develop appropriate policies such as educational reforms, local recruitment plans, transparent regulatory and administrative measures, and professional incentives to retain the job.

[War Relief of Japanese Red Cross Nurses in the Lost Battle of Burma].

This paper aims to reveal changes in the relief support of the Japanese Red Cross relief units dispatched to Burma during the Second World War, from the beginning of fighting in Burma to the Japanese withdrawal. Japanese Red Cross relief units began their relief support when Japan invaded Burma in February of 1942. Counterattacks by the British, Indian and Chinese armies from December 1942 caused an increase in the number of patients. There were also many cases of malnutrition and malaria due to the extreme shortage of medical supplies as a result of the Battle of Imphal, which began in March of 1944. Bomb raids became even more intense after the battle ended in July 1944, and patients were carried into bomb shelters and caves on a daily basis. Just prior to invasion by enemy troops, they were ordered to evacuate to neighboring Thailand. Nurses from the Wakayama group hid their identity as members of the Red Cross and evacuated, with 15 out of 23 dying or being reported missing in action.

Humanitarian Struggle in Burma's Conflict Zones.

The Back Pack Health Worker Team (BPHWT), a community- based health organization, provides primary health care to ethnic people in conflict, remote, and internally displaced areas, in Burma (aka Myanmar), controlled by ethnic armed organizations fighting against the Burma government. Its services include both curative and preventative health care through a network of 1,425 health personnel including community health workers and village-embedded traditional birth attendants and village health workers. The BPHWT organizational and program model may prove useful to Special Operations medical actions in support of insurgent movements and conversely with a host nation's counterinsurgency strategies, which include the extension of its health services into areas that may be remote and/or inhabited by indigenous people and have insurgency potential. In the former respect, special attention is directed toward "humanitarian struggle" that uses health care as a weapon against the counterinsurgency strategies of a country's oppressive military.

Human resources for health: task shifting to promote basic health service delivery among internally displaced people in ethnic health program service areas in eastern Burma/Myanmar.

BACKGROUND: Burma/Myanmar was controlled by a military regime for over 50 years. Many basic social and protection services have been neglected, specifically in the ethnic areas. Development in these areas was led by the ethnic non-state actors to ensure care and the availability of health services for the communities living in the border ethnic-controlled areas. Political changes in Burma/Myanmar have been ongoing since the end of 2010. Given the ethnic diversity of Burma/Myanmar, many challenges in ensuring health service coverage among all ethnic groups lie ahead. METHODS: A case study method was used to document how existing human resources for health (HRH) reach the vulnerable population in the ethnic health organizations' (EHOs) and community-based organizations' (CBHOs) service areas, and their related information on training and services delivered. Mixed methods were used. Survey data on HRH, service provision, and training were collected from clinic-in-charges in 110 clinics in 14 Karen/Kayin townships through a rapid-mapping exercise. We also reviewed 7 organizational and policy documents and conducted 10 interviews and discussions with clinic-in-charges. FINDINGS: Despite the lack of skilled medical professionals, the EHOs and CBHOs have been serving the population along the border through task shifting to less specialized health workers. Clinics and mobile teams work in partnership, focusing on primary care with some aspects of secondary care. The rapid-mapping exercise showed that the aggregate HRH density in Karen/Kayin state is 2.8 per 1,000 population. Every mobile team has 1.8 health workers per 1,000 population, whereas each clinic has between 2.5 and 3.9 health workers per 1,000 population. By reorganizing and training the workforce with a rigorous and up-to-date curriculum, EHOs and CBHOs present a viable solution for improving health service coverage to the underserved population. CONCLUSION: Despite the chronic conflict in Burma/Myanmar, this report provides evidence of the substantive system of health care provision and access in the Karen/Kayin State over the past 20 years. It underscores the climate of vulnerability of the EHOs and CBHOs due to lack of regional and international understanding of the political complexities in Burma/Myanmar. As Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) integration gathers pace, this case study highlights potential issues relating to migration and health access. The case also documents the challenge of integrating indigenous and/or cross-border health systems, with the ongoing risk of deepening ethnic conflicts in Burma/Myanmar as the peace process is negotiated.

The Burmese medic: an international physician assistant analogue.

Although there have been recent democratic reforms in Myanmar (formerly known as Burma), for nearly 60 years there has been a consistent history of human rights violations as part of a civil war waged by the Myanmar military, known as the Tatmadaw. Approximately 3,500 villages have been destroyed by the Tatmadaw during the half-century of civil war. Oppression against minority groups, including the Karen, Karenni, Kachin, Mon, Shan, Chin, and Muslims has adversely affected the health outcomes of these vulnerable populations. Since the mid 1990s, medics have been providing care for the ethnic minorities who were displaced from their homes by the civil war and who live in the jungles of eastern Burma as well as in the refugee camps and towns in the border areas of Thailand. This article will look at how these medics are providing care similar to that provided by physician assistants in the United States.

National nursing and midwifery legislation in countries of South-East Asia with high HIV burdens

This paper analyses nursing and midwifery legislation in high HIV-burdencountries of the World Health Organization (WHO) South-East Asia Region, withrespect to global standards, and suggests areas that could be further examinedto strengthen the nursing and midwifery professions and HIV service delivery. Toprovide universal access to HIV/AIDS prevention, care and treatment, sufficientnumbers of competent human resources for health are required. Competence inthis context means possession and use of requisite knowledge and skills to fulfilthe role delineated in scopes of practice. Traditionally, the purpose of professionalregulation has been to set standards that ensure the competence of practisinghealth workers, such as nurses and midwives. One particularly powerful form ofprofessional regulation is assessed here: national legislation in the form of nursingand midwifery acts. Five countries of the WHO South-East Asia Region accountfor more than 99% of the region’s HIV burden: India, Indonesia, Myanmar, Nepaland Thailand. Online legislative archives were searched to obtain the most recentnational nursing and midwifery legislation from these five countries. Indonesia wasthe only country included in this review without a national nursing and midwiferyact. The national nursing and midwifery acts of India, Myanmar, Nepal and Thailandwere all fairly comprehensive, containing between 15 and 20 of the 21 elements inthe International Council of Nurses Model Nursing Act. Legislation in Myanmar andThailand partially delineates nursing scopes of practice, thereby providing greaterclarity concerning professional expectations. Continuing education was the onlyelement not included in any of these four countries’ legislation. Countries withouta nursing and midwifery act may consider developing one, in order to facilitateprofessional regulation of training and practice. Countries considering reform totheir existing nursing acts may benefit from comparing their legislation with that ofother similarly situated countries and with global standards. Countries interested inimproving the sustainability of scale-up for HIV services may benefit from a greaterunderstanding of the manner in which nursing and midwifery is regulated, be itthrough continuing education, scopes of practice or other relevant requirementsfor training, registration and licensing

Profiles of four women. Health and human rights activists.

This article briefly profiles four women physicians working for health and human rights around the world. Dr. Ruchama Marton, an Israeli psychiatrist and activist for peace in the Middle East, is a founder of Physicians for Human Rights/Israel. Dr. Jane Green Schaller is a US pediatrician whose 1985 trip to South Africa initiated her human rights involvement, which includes the founding of Physicians for Human Rights. Dr. Judith van Heerden, a primary care physician in South Africa, has worked for reform of prison health care, to establish hospice care, and, most recently, for acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) education for medical students. Dr. Ma Thida, the only physician not interviewed for this article, is currently held in a Burmese prison because of her work on behalf of the National League for Democracy. The profiles suggest the breadth of human rights work worldwide and are a testament to what physicians can do.