ABSTRACT
This umbrella review analysed the relationships between family variables and child/adolescent body weight, diet and physical activity. In line with theories of health behaviour change, it was assumed that behaviour-specific family variables (i.e. beliefs, perceptions and practices referring to food intake or physical activity) would have stronger support than more general family variables (i.e. socio-economic status or general parental practices). Data obtained from 18 systematic reviews (examining 375 quantitative studies) were analysed. Reviews of experimental trials generally supported the effectiveness of reward/positive reinforcement parental strategies, parental involvement in treatment or prevention programmes, and cognitive-behavioural treatment in reducing child/adolescent body mass and/or obesity. Results across reviews of correlational studies indicated that healthy nutrition of children/adolescents was related to only one parental practice (parental monitoring), but was associated with several behaviour-specific family variables (e.g. a lack of restrictive control over food choices, high intake of healthy foods and low intake of unhealthy foods by parents and siblings, low pressure to consume foods). With regard to adolescent physical activity, stronger support was also found for behaviour-specific variables (e.g. physical activity of siblings), and for certain socio-economic variables (e.g. parental education). Child and adolescent obesity prevention programmes should account for behaviour-specific family variables.
Subject(s)
Family , Health Behavior , Obesity , Parenting , Adolescent , Child , Child, Preschool , Female , Humans , Male , Young Adult , Behavior Therapy , Body Weights and Measures , Diet/standards , Exercise , Family/psychology , Obesity/prevention & control , Parenting/psychology , Physical Education and Training , Reinforcement, Psychology , Socioeconomic FactorsABSTRACT
Trying to remember something now typically improves your ability to remember it later. However, after watching a video of a simulated bank robbery, participants who verbally described the robber were 25% worse at identifying the robber in a lineup than were participants who instead listed U.S. states and capitals-this has been termed the "verbal overshadowing" effect (Schooler & Engstler-Schooler, 1990). More recent studies suggested that this effect might be substantially smaller than first reported. Given uncertainty about the effect size, the influence of this finding in the memory literature, and its practical importance for police procedures, we conducted two collections of preregistered direct replications (RRR1 and RRR2) that differed only in the order of the description task and a filler task. In RRR1, when the description task immediately followed the robbery, participants who provided a description were 4% less likely to select the robber than were those in the control condition. In RRR2, when the description was delayed by 20 min, they were 16% less likely to select the robber. These findings reveal a robust verbal overshadowing effect that is strongly influenced by the relative timing of the tasks. The discussion considers further implications of these replications for our understanding of verbal overshadowing.