Assessing post-abortion care using the WHO quality of care framework for maternal and newborn health: a cross-sectional study in two African hospitals in humanitarian settings.

BACKGROUND: Abortion-related complications remain a main cause of maternal mortality. There is little evidence on the availability and quality of post-abortion care (PAC) in humanitarian settings. We assessed the quality of PAC in two hospitals supported by an international organization in Jigawa State (Nigeria) and Bangui (Central African Republic, CAR). METHODS: We mapped indicators corresponding to the eleven domains of the WHO Maternal and Newborn Health quality-of-care framework to assess inputs, processes (provision and experience of care), and outcomes of PAC. We measured these indicators in four components of a cross-sectional multi-methods study: 1) an assessment of the hospitals' PAC signal functions, 2) a survey of the knowledge, attitudes, practices, and behavior of 140 Nigerian and 84 CAR clinicians providing PAC, 3) a prospective review of the medical records of 520 and 548 women presenting for abortion complications and, 4) a survey of 360 and 362 of these women who were hospitalized in the Nigerian and CAR hospitals, respectively. RESULTS: Among the total 27 PAC signal functions assessed, 25 were available in the Nigerian hospital and 26 in the CAR hospital. In both hospitals, less than 2.5% were treated with dilatation and sharp curettage. Over 80% of women received blood transfusion or curative antibiotics when indicated. However, antibiotics were given to about 30% of patients with no documented indication. Among discharged women in CAR, 99% received contraceptive counseling but only 39% did in Nigeria. Over 80% of women in Nigeria reported positive experiences of respect and preservation of dignity. Conversely, in CAR, 37% reported that their privacy was always respected during examination and 62% reported short or very short waiting time before seeing a health provider. In terms of communication, only 15% felt able to ask questions during treatment in both hospitals. The risk of abortion-near-miss happening ≥ 24h after presentation was 0.2% in Nigeria and 1.1% in CAR. Only 65% of women in the Nigerian hospital and 34% in the CAR hospital reported that the staff provided them best care all the time. CONCLUSION: Our comprehensive assessment identified that these two hospitals in humanitarian settings provided lifesaving PAC. However, hospitals need to strengthen the patient-centered approach engaging patients in their own care and ensuring privacy, short waiting times and quality provider-patient communication. Health professionals would benefit from instituting antibiotic stewardships to prevent antibiotic-resistance.

In humanitarian contexts, abortion complications are a leading cause of maternal mortality. Providing quality post-abortion care (PAC) is therefore an important part of needed services. We assessed the quality of PAC in two hospitals supported by an international organization in Jigawa State (Nigeria) and Bangui (Central African Republic). We measured quality indicators in four components: 1) an assessment of the equipment and human resources available in hospitals, 2) a survey of the knowledge, attitudes, practices, and behavior of clinicians providing PAC, 3) an assessment of the medical care provided by clinicians to women presenting with abortion complications and, 4) a survey of a subgroup of these women who were hospitalized. Both hospitals had almost all the equipment and human resources necessary to provide post-abortion care. Less than 2.5% of women received a non-recommended method to evacuate their uterus in both hospitals. More than 80% of women received a blood transfusion or antibiotics when they needed them. However, 30% of women received antibiotics without written justification and only 15% of women reported being able to ask questions about their treatment. Overall, only 65% of Nigerian women and 34% of Central African women said that the staff provided them with the best care all the time. The fact that less than 2% of women experienced a very severe complication 24 hours or more after their arrival at the two hospitals suggests that the care provided was lifesaving. But they urgently need to adopt a better patient-centered approach as well as to improve the rational management of antibiotics.

Attempts to purchase misoprostol online in Indonesia: a mystery client study design.

BACKGROUND: Abortion is highly restricted in Indonesia; self-administered misoprostol can safely induce an abortion. Brick and mortar pharmacies, a common place to purchase misoprostol off-label in other parts of the world, are monitored closely by the government authority in Indonesia which controls drugs so that they cannot function outside the law without risking arrest and prosecution. An online marketplace has sprung up in response that sells misoprostol through in-country distributors. Such procurement offers a level of safety and anonymity to the buyer and seller. So as to understand online access to misoprostol, we created a protocol to identify the most visible universe of sellers. METHODS: We carried out a mystery client methodology to replicate the experiences of women procuring misoprostol online. Our study consisted of five stages: (1) identify the universe of online sellers using the most common search terms, drawn from multiple platforms to capture diversity in interactions as well as products sold (2) remove duplicates across sites as determined by their telephone numbers (3) draw a roughly probability proportional to size sample (4) contact sellers as mystery clients through text/chat, depending on the platform, and engage with them and (5) attempt to purchase drugs offered by the seller. Descriptive statistics are presented. RESULTS: The listing generated 727 sites: 441 websites, 153 marketplace sellers, and 133 Instagram profiles. After removing duplicate listings, we identified 281 unique sellers. We selected all sellers with greater than 12 listings, 60% of sellers with 4-12 listings, 50% of sellers with 2-3 listings, and 40% of sellers with only one listing. Mystery clients were able to send initial messages to 110 sellers, of which 16 never responded. The interaction progressed to purchasing misoprostol with 76 sellers, 64 of whom sent drugs. CONCLUSIONS: As women seek to terminate unwanted pregnancies in legally restrictive settings, online sales of misoprostol must be considered. With the Covid pandemic constraining movement, the importance of this way of procuring misoprostol will likely become more appealing. Understanding this unregulated landscape is important if we are to try to improve women's ability to safely conduct an abortion in highly restrictive settings.

Sexual and Reproductive Health Literacy, Misoprostol Knowledge and Use of Medication Abortion in Lagos State, Nigeria: A Mixed Methods Study.

Little is known about the link between health literacy and women's ability to safely and successfully use misoprostol to self-induce an abortion. While abortion is only allowed to save a woman's life in Nigeria, misoprostol is widely available from drug sellers. We interviewed 394 women in 2018 in Lagos State, Nigeria, who induced abortion using misoprostol obtained from a drug seller to determine their sexual and reproductive health literacy (SRHL) and misoprostol knowledge levels; and how these were associated with ending the pregnancy successfully or seeking care for (perceived) complications. Our results show that women's misoprostol knowledge (measured both quantitatively and qualitatively) was low, but that almost all women were nevertheless able to use the drug effectively and safely. Higher SRHL was associated with being more likely to end the pregnancy successfully and also seeking postabortion health care. Our study is the first to examine this association and adds to the scarce literature examining the relationship between health literacy and self-use of misoprostol to induce abortions in restrictive settings.

Online Abortion Drug Sales in Indonesia: A Quality of Care Assessment.

This study sought to understand the experience of buying misoprostol online for pregnancy termination in Indonesia. We conducted a mystery client study August through October, 2019. Interactions were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively, along with the contents of the packages. One hundred ten sellers were contacted, from whom mystery clients made 76 purchases and received 64 drug packages. Almost all sellers sold "packets" containing multiple drugs; 73 percent of packets contained misoprostol, and 47 percent contained at least 800 mcg of misoprostol. Thirty-four packets contained insufficient drugs to complete an abortion. When compared to WHO standards, 87 percent of sellers imparted incomplete information about potential physical effects; no seller provided information about possible complications. Women buying misoprostol from informal online drugs sellers will be underprepared for understanding potential side effects and complications. Educational activities are needed to increase women's access to information about safe use of misoprostol as a harm reduction strategy.

Comparing women's financial costs of induced abortion at a facility vs. seeking treatment for complications from unsafe abortion in Zambia.

Although abortion is legal in Zambia under a variety of broad conditions, unsafe abortion remains common. The purpose of this project was to compare the financial costs for women when they have an induced abortion at a facility, with costs for an induced abortion outside a facility, followed by care for abortion-related complications. We gathered household wealth data at one point in time (T1) and longitudinal qualitative data at two points in time (T1 and T2, three-four months later), in Lusaka and Kafue districts, between 2014 and 2015. The data were collected from women (n = 38) obtaining a legal termination of pregnancy (TOP), or care for unsafe abortions (CUA). The women were recruited from four health facilities (two hospitals and two private clinics, one of each per district). At T2, CUA cost women, on average, 520 ZMW (USD 81), while TOP cost women, on average, 396 ZMW (USD 62). About two-thirds of the costs had been incurred by T1, while an additional one-third of the total costs was incurred between T1 and T2. Women in all three wealth tertiles sought a TOP in a health facility or an unsafe abortion outside a facility. Women who obtained CUA tended to be further removed from the money that was used to pay for their abortion care. Women's financial dependence leaves them unequipped to manage a financial shock such as an abortion. Improved TOP and post-abortion care are needed to reduce the health sequelae women experience after both types of abortion-related care.

The Complexity of Multiple Contraceptive Method Use and the Anxiety That Informs It: Implications for Theory and Practice.

Despite clinical guidelines and national data describing the use of one contraceptive method as the best and most common way to prevent unintended pregnancy, limited evidence indicates a more complex picture of actual contraceptive practice. Face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted in November of 2013 with a sample of women from two cities in the United States (n = 52). The interviews explored the ways participants used contraception to protect themselves from unintended pregnancy over the past 12 months. Most respondents reported using multiple methods, many of which are considered to be less-effective, within this timeframe. The practice of combining methods in order to increase one's level of protection from pregnancy was prevalent, and was mainly enacted in two ways: by backing up inconsistent method use with other methods and by "buttressing" methods. These practices were found to be more common, and more complex, than previously described in the literature. These behaviors were mainly informed by a deep anxiety about both the efficacy of contraceptive methods, and about respondents' own perceived ability to prevent pregnancy. These findings challenge prevailing assumptions about women's contraceptive method use and have implications for clinical contraceptive counseling practice.

The estimated incidence of induced abortion in Kenya: a cross-sectional study.

BACKGROUND: The recently promulgated 2010 constitution of Kenya permits abortion when the life or health of the woman is in danger. Yet broad uncertainty remains about the interpretation of the law. Unsafe abortion remains a leading cause of maternal morbidity and mortality in Kenya. The current study aimed to determine the incidence of induced abortion in Kenya in 2012. METHODS: The incidence of induced abortion in Kenya in 2012 was estimated using the Abortion Incidence Complications Methodology (AICM) along with the Prospective Morbidity Survey (PMS). Data were collected through three surveys, (i) Health Facilities Survey (HFS), (ii) Prospective Morbidity Survey (PMS), and (iii) Health Professionals Survey (HPS). A total of 328 facilities participated in the HFS, 326 participated in the PMS, and 124 key informants participated in the HPS. Abortion numbers, rates, ratios and unintended pregnancy rates were calculated for Kenya as a whole and for five geographical regions. RESULTS: In 2012, an estimated 464,000 induced abortions occurred in Kenya. This translates into an abortion rate of 48 per 1,000 women aged 15-49, and an abortion ratio of 30 per 100 live births. About 120,000 women received care for complications of induced abortion in health facilities. About half (49%) of all pregnancies in Kenya were unintended and 41% of unintended pregnancies ended in an abortion. CONCLUSION: This study provides the first nationally-representative estimates of the incidence of induced abortion in Kenya. An urgent need exists for improving facilities' capacity to provide safe abortion care to the fullest extent of the law. All efforts should be made to address underlying factors to reduce risk of unsafe abortion.

Attitudes of women and men living with HIV and their healthcare providers towards pregnancy and abortion by HIV-positive women in Nigeria and Zambia.

Fertility decisions among people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) are complicated by disease progression, the health of their existing children and possible antiretroviral therapy (ART) use, among other factors. Using a sample of HIV-positive women (n = 353) and men (n = 299) from Nigeria and Zambia and their healthcare providers (n = 179), we examined attitudes towards childbearing and abortion by HIV-positive women. To measure childbearing and abortion attitudes, we used individual indicators and a composite measure (an index). Support for an HIV-positive woman to have a child was greatest if she was nulliparous or if her desire to have a child was not conditioned on parity and lowest if she already had an HIV-positive child. Such support was found to be lower among HIV-positive women than among HIV-positive men, both of which were lower than reported support from their healthcare providers. There was wider variation in support for abortion depending on the measure than there was for support for childbearing. Half of all respondents indicated no or low support for abortion on the index measure while between 2 and 4 in 10 respondents were supportive of HIV-positive women being able to terminate a pregnancy. The overall low levels of support for abortion indicate that most respondents did not see HIV as a medical condition which justifies abortion. Respondents in Nigeria and those who live in urban areas were more likely to support HIV-positive women's childbearing. About a fifth of HIV-positive respondents reported being counselled to end childbearing after their diagnosis. In summary, respondents from both Nigeria and Zambia demonstrate tempered support of (continued) childbearing among HIV-positive women while anti-abortion attitudes remain strong. Access to ART did not impart a strong effect on these attitudes. Therefore, pronatalist attitudes remain in place in the face of HIV infection.

Perceptions and attitudes of Rohingya community stakeholders to pregnancy termination services: a qualitative study in camps of Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh.

BACKGROUND: Rohingya women suffer from inaccessibility to sexual and reproductive health services in Myanmar. After the forcible displacement of the Rohingya from Myanmar to Bangladesh in 2017, pregnancy termination services have been increasingly important and desired, while knowledge gaps and obstacles to access services still exist. The role of community stakeholders is critical as gatekeepers and decision-makers to improve and strengthen pregnancy termination services for women in camps. However, there is paucity of evidence on their perspectives about pregnancy termination. This qualitative study aims to understand the perception and attitudes of Rohingya community stakeholders to pregnancy termination in the camps of Cox's Bazar. METHODS: We used purposive sampling to select 48 participants from the community stakeholders, 12 from each group: majhis (Rohingya leaders), imams (religious leaders), school teachers, and married men. We conducted in-depth interviews of all the participants between May-June 2022 and October-November 2022. Data were coded on Atlas.ti and analysed using a thematic content analysis approach. RESULTS: Multiple socio-cultural and religious factors, gendered norms and stigma associated with pregnancy termination acted as barriers to women seeking services for it. From a religious stance, there was greater acceptance of pregnancy termination in the earlier period than in the later period of pregnancy. We observed that pregnancy termination among community stakeholders in earlier stages of pregnancy than later. However, circumstances, such as a woman's marital status, whether she sought her husband's permission or her ability of childcare capacity, were often framed by community stakeholders as 'acceptable' for pregnancy termination. Health concerns and social and contextual factors can influence community stakeholders supporting pregnancy termination. CONCLUSIONS: The community stakeholders perspectives on barriers and enablers of pregnancy termination were variable with the context. These perspectives may support or impede women's ability to choice to seek pregnancy termination services. To improve women's choice to pregnancy termination, it is critical to consider roles of community stakeholders in creating their supporting attitudes to women's choice and access, and to designing targeted culturally appropriate interventions with communities support and engagement.

Community attitudes towards childbearing and abortion among HIV-positive women in Nigeria and Zambia.

Although stigma towards HIV-positive women for both continuing and terminating a pregnancy has been documented, to date few studies have examined relative stigma towards one outcome versus the other. This study seeks to describe community attitudes towards each of two possible elective outcomes of an HIV-positive woman's pregnancy - induced abortion or birth - to determine which garners more stigma and document characteristics of community members associated with stigmatising attitudes towards each outcome. Data come from community-based interviews with reproductive-aged men and women, 2401 in Zambia and 2452 in Nigeria. Bivariate and multivariate analyses revealed that respondents from both countries overwhelmingly favoured continued childbearing for HIV-positive pregnant women, but support for induced abortion was slightly higher in scenarios in which anti-retroviral therapy (ART) was unavailable. Zambian respondents held more stigmatising attitudes towards abortion for HIV-positive women than did Nigerian respondents. Women held more stigmatising attitudes towards abortion for HIV-positive women than men, particularly in Zambia. From a sexual and reproductive health and rights perspective, efforts to assist HIV-positive women in preventing unintended pregnancy and to support them in their pregnancy decisions when they do become pregnant should be encouraged in order to combat the social stigma documented in this paper.

More than poverty: disruptive events among women having abortions in the USA.

BACKGROUND: In the USA, abortion has become increasingly concentrated among poor women. For many, poverty represents difficulties meeting financial obligations, but the authors expect it is also associated with a range of potentially difficult life circumstances that may influence women's pregnancy decisions. METHODS: This mixed methods study relied on two data sources. Quantitative data came from a national sample of 9493 women obtaining abortions in 2008 and examined exposure to 11 potentially disruptive events. The authors also examined associations between disruptive events, poverty status and contraceptive use. Qualitative information from 49 in-depth interviews was used to provide insights into patterns that emerged from the quantitative analysis. RESULTS: More than half (57%) of the women obtaining abortions experienced a potentially disruptive event within the last year, most commonly unemployment (20%), separation from a partner (16%), falling behind on rent/mortgage (14%) and/or moving multiple times (12%). Poverty status was significantly associated with several of the events, particularly those that could directly impact on a family's economic circumstances, for example losing a job or having a baby. Information from the in-depth interviews suggested that disruptive events interfered with contraceptive use, but the quantitative survey found no difference in contraceptive use by exposure to disruptive life events, even after controlling for poverty status. CONCLUSION: Many abortion patients make decisions about their pregnancies in the midst of complex life circumstances.

Unwanted sexual experiences among young men in four sub-Saharan African countries: prevalence and context.

Unwanted sexual experiences are most frequently examined from the woman's perspective, yet these experiences happen to men as well. Part of the reason for the paucity of studies on coerced sexual experiences among men is the difficulty in gathering information about such experiences. This study examines the prevalence of unwanted sexual experiences at sexual debut as well as ever among young men aged 12-19 years old in Burkina Faso, Ghana, Malawi and Uganda. The data come from nationally-representative surveys and in-depth interviews with approximately 50 young men in each country gathered around 2004. Between 4 and 12% of young men stated that they were 'not willing at all' at sexual debut and between 3 and 6% said that they had ever experienced unwanted sex. Narratives from in-depth interviews give insights into the context surrounding men's unwanted sexual experiences. The sometimes conflicting information provided by the respondents serve to confound rather than illuminate the contexts within which these unwanted sexual experiences occurred, demonstrating that coercion for young men looks extremely different than coercion for young women, spurring us to improve our measures of sexual coercion among men.

Mens' attitudes about abortion in Uganda.

Abortion is illegal in Uganda except to save the life of the woman. Nevertheless, the practice is quite common: about 300,000 induced abortions occur annually among Ugandan women aged 15-49 (Singh et al., 2005) and a large proportion of these women require treatment for post-abortion complications. In the male-dominant culture of Uganda, where men control most of the financial resources, men play a critical part in determining whether women receive a safe abortion, or appropriate treatment if they experience abortion complications. This study examines men's roles in determining women's access to a safer abortion and post-abortion care. It draws on in-depth interviews carried out in 2003 with 61 women aged 18-60 and 21 men aged 20-50 from Kampala and Mbarara, Uganda. Respondents' descriptions of men's involvement in women's abortion care agreed that men's stated attitudes about abortion often prevented women from involving them in either the abortion or post-abortion care. Most men believe that if a woman is having an abortion, it must be because she is pregnant with another man's child, although this does not correspond with women's reasons for having an abortion--a critical disjuncture revealed by the data between men's perceptions of, and women's realities regarding, reasons for seeking an abortion. If the woman does experience post-abortion complications, the prevailing attitude among men in the sample was that they cannot support a woman in such a situation seeking care because if it had been his child, she would not have had a covert abortion. Since money is critical to accessing appropriate care, without men's support, women seeking an abortion may not be able to access safer abortion options and if they experience complications, they may delay care-seeking or may not obtain care at all. Barriers to involving men in abortion decision-making endanger women's health and possibly their lives.

What women want from abortion counseling in the United States: a qualitative study of abortion patients in 2008.

Abortion counseling, including informed consent laws specifying what a woman must be told to obtain an abortion, have been the subject of a great deal of social policy. Using a qualitative sample of 49 women seeking abortions in 2008, we asked women whether they had their mind made up when they called the clinic to make their appointment as well as what they wanted from abortion counseling. The majority of women contacting the abortion clinic had already made up their minds to have an abortion and were therefore not seeking options counseling. Neither were they seeking to emotionally confide in their abortion counselors: They anticipated that the counselor would try to discourage them from having an abortion, they stated that they had met their emotional needs elsewhere, and they feared that confiding in the counselor might endanger their ability to obtain an abortion. They perceived other women needed counseling, though, to help them make a responsible decision. A cafeteria-style approach to counseling that allows women to specify what their needs are would better match abortion counseling with women's stated needs. These data have the potential to inform public policy to better suit abortion-related counseling with women's needs.

Women's experiences using drugs to induce abortion acquired in the informal sector in Colombia: qualitative interviews with users in Bogotá and the Coffee Axis.

In 2006, abortion in Colombia was decriminalised under certain circumstances. Yet some women continue to avail themselves of ways to terminate pregnancies outside of the formal health system. In-depth interviews (IDIs) with women who acquired drugs outside of health facilities to terminate their pregnancies (n = 47) were conducted in Bogotá and the Coffee Axis in 2018. Respondents were recruited when they sought postabortion care at a health facility. This analysis examines women's experiences with medication acquired outside of the health system for a termination: how they obtained the medication, what they received, how they were instructed to use the pills, the symptoms they were told to expect, and their abortion experiences. Respondents purchased the drugs in drug stores, online, from street vendors, or through contacts in their social networks. Women who used online vendors more commonly received the minimum dose of misoprostol according to WHO guidelines to complete the abortion (800 mcg) and received more detailed instructions and information about what to expect than women who bought the drug elsewhere. Common instructions were to take the pills orally and vaginally; most women received incomplete information about what to expect. Most women seeking care did not have a complete abortion before coming to the health facility (they never started bleeding or had an incomplete abortion). Women still face multiple barriers to safe abortion in Colombia; policymakers should promote better awareness about legal abortion availability, access to quality medication and complete information about misoprostol use for women to terminate unwanted pregnancies safely.

Perceived Infertility Among Young Adults in Balaka, Malawi.

CONTEXT: Perceived infertility-an individual's belief that she or he is unable to conceive or impregnate a partner-may lead to contraceptive nonuse and unintended pregnancy, among other concerns, but has not been widely studied in low-income settings. METHODS: A measure of perceived infertility previously used in the United States was included in a 2015 survey of young adults in Balaka, Malawi. The prevalence of potential perceived infertility (i.e., believing it is a little or substantially likely that one is infertile, or would have difficulty getting pregnant or impregnating a partner; PPI) was estimated among the analytic sample of 1,064 women and 527 men aged 21-29. Multivariable logistic regression was used to identify variables associated with PPI; respondents' reasons for PPI and their estimates of the probability of pregnancy after unprotected sex were also investigated. RESULTS: The prevalence of PPI was 8% overall, and 20% among nulliparous women. Factors associated with PPI and reasons for PPI varied by gender. For women, PPI was significantly associated with age, education, an interaction term between age and education, number of sexual partners, feelings if she were to become pregnant next month, parity and contraceptive use. For men, PPI was associated with an interaction term between age and education, number of sex partners and marital status. Respondents tended to overestimate the probability of pregnancy after unprotected sex. CONCLUSIONS: Perceived infertility was lower in Malawi than in the United States, although substantial among certain subgroups. Educational interventions aimed at increasing knowledge about pregnancy probabilities and the return of fertility after contraceptive discontinuation may reduce concerns around perceived infertility.

RESUMEN Contexto: La infecundidad percibida ­ la creencia de una persona de que ella o él no puede concebir o embarazar a una pareja ­ podría conducir a la falta de uso de anticonceptivos y al embarazo no planeado, entre otras preocupaciones, pero esto no se ha estudiado ampliamente en entornos de bajos ingresos. Métodos: Una medida de la infecundidad percibida utilizada anteriormente en los Estados Unidos se incluyó en una encuesta de 2015 aplicada a adultos jóvenes en Balaka, Malawi. La prevalencia de infecundidad potencial percibida (es decir, creer que es poco o muy probable que una persona es infecunda, o que tendría dificultades para quedar embarazada o para embarazar a una pareja; IPP) se estimó entre la muestra analítica de 1,064 mujeres y 527 hombres de 21 a 29 años de edad. Se usó regresión logística multivariable para identificar variables asociadas con la IPP; también se investigaron las razones de las personas encuestadas para experimentar IPP y sus estimaciones de la probabilidad de embarazo después de tener relaciones sexuales sin protección. Resultados: La prevalencia de IPP fue del 8% en general y del 20% entre mujeres nulíparas. Los factores asociados con la IPP y las razones para experimentar IPP variaron según el género. Para las mujeres, la IPP se asoció significativamente con la edad, la escolaridad, un período de interacción entre la edad y la escolaridad, el número de parejas sexuales, los sentimientos si quedara embarazada el próximo mes, la paridad y el uso de anticonceptivos. Para los hombres, la IPP se asoció con un período de interacción entre edad y escolaridad, número de parejas sexuales y estado conyugal. Las personas encuestadas tendieron a sobreestimar la probabilidad de embarazo después de tener relaciones sexuales sin protección. Conclusiones: La infecundidad percibida fue menor en Malawi que en los Estados Unidos, aunque fue sustancial entre ciertos subgrupos. Las intervenciones educativas destinadas a aumentar el conocimiento sobre las probabilidades de embarazo y el retorno de la fecundidad después de la interrupción de los anticonceptivos pueden reducir las preocupaciones sobre la infecundidad percibida.

RÉSUMÉ Contexte: L'infertilité perçue ­ le fait de croire, pour une personne, qu'elle ne peut pas concevoir ou causer une grossesse ­ peut conduire, entre autres préoccupations, à l'absence de contraception et à la grossesse non planifiée, sans toutefois avoir été largement étudiée dans les contextes à faible revenu. Méthodes: Une mesure de l'infertilité perçue utilisée précédemment aux États-Unis a été incluse dans une enquête menée en 2015 auprès de jeunes adultes de Balaka (Malawi). La prévalence d'une éventuelle infertilité perçue (c'est-à-dire croire qu'il est légèrement ou fortement probable qu'on soit infertile, ou qu'on aurait des difficultés à concevoir ou à causer la grossesse d'une partenaire; IPP) a été estimée dans l'échantillon analytique de l'étude, composé de 1 064 femmes et de 527 hommes âgés de 21 à 29 ans. Les variables associées à l'IPP ont été identifiées par régression logistique multivariable. Les raisons d'IPP données par les répondants et leurs estimations de la probabilité d'une grossesse après un rapport sexuel non protégé ont aussi été étudiées. Résultats: La prévalence de l'IPP était de 8% au total, et de 20% parmi les femmes nullipares. Les facteurs associés à l'IPP et les raisons de l'IPP variaient suivant le sexe. Pour les femmes, l'IPP était significativement associée à l'âge, à l'éducation, à un terme d'interaction entre l'âge et l'éducation, au nombre de partenaires sexuels, aux sentiments que susciterait la découverte d'une grossesse le mois suivant, à la parité et à la pratique contraceptive. Pour les hommes, l'IPP était associée à un terme d'interaction entre l'âge et l'éducation, au nombre de partenaires sexuelles et à la situation matrimoniale. Les répondants tendaient à surestimer la probabilité d'une grossesse après un rapport sexuel non protégé. Conclusions: L'infertilité perçue s'est révélée inférieure au Malawi, par rapport aux États-Unis, bien qu'elle soit apparue considérable dans certains sous-groupes. Les interventions éducatives visant à accroître les connaissances sur les probabilités de grossesse et le retour à la fertilité après l'arrêt de la contraception peuvent réduire les préoccupations concernant l'infertilité perçue.

Incidence of treatment for postabortion complications in India, 2015.

Abortion has been legal under broad criteria in India since 1971. However, access to legal abortion services remains poor. In the past decade, medication abortion (MA) has become widely available in India and use of this method outside of health facilities accounts for over 70% of all abortions. Morbidity from unsafe abortion remains an important health issue. The informal providers who are the primary source of MA may have poor knowledge of the method and may offer inadequate or inaccurate advice on use of the method. Misuse of the method can result in women seeking treatment for true complications as well as during the normal processes of MA. An estimated 5% of all abortions are done using highly unsafe methods and performed by unskilled providers, also contributing to abortion morbidity. This paper provides new representative abortion-related morbidity measures at the national and subnational levels from a large-scale 2015 study of six Indian states-Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh. The outcomes include the number and treatment rates of women with complications resulting from induced abortion and the type of complications. The total number of women treated for abortion complications at the national level is 5.2 million, and the rate is 15.7 per 1000 women of reproductive age per year. In all six study states, a high proportion of all women receiving postabortion care were admitted with incomplete abortion from use of MA-ranging from 33% in Tamil Nadu to 65% in Assam. The paper fills an important gap by providing new evidence that can inform policy-makers and health planners at all levels and lead to improvements in the provision of postabortion care and legal abortion services-improvements that would greatly reduce abortion-related morbidity and its costs to Indian women, their families and the healthcare system.

What does informal access to misoprostol in Colombia look like? A mystery client methodology in Bogotá and the Coffee Axis.

INTRODUCTION: In 2006, abortion was decriminalised in Colombia under certain circumstances. Yet, women avail themselves of ways to terminate pregnancy outside of the formal health system. This study explored how drug sellers engage with women who attempt to purchase misoprostol from them. METHODS: A mapping exercise was undertaken to list small-chain and independent drug stores in two regions in Colombia. A sample (n=558) of drug stores was selected from this list and visited by mystery clients between November and December 2017. Mystery clients sought to obtain a medication to bring back a delayed period, and described the experience, the information obtained and the medications proffered in exit interviews. RESULTS: Misoprostol was offered for purchase in 15% of the visits; in half of visits, only information about misoprostol was shared, while no information about misoprostol was provided on the remaining visits. Over half of sellers who refused to sell any medication provided referrals, most commonly to an abortion provider. Among visits which included discussion of misoprostol, two out of five sellers provided dosage instructions with most recommending the minimum adequate dosage. Mystery clients received little information on the physical effects to expect with the use of misoprostol and possible complications. CONCLUSIONS: As misoprostol is being obtained from some drug sellers without a prescription, capacitating this cadre with at least a minimum of standardised information on dosage, routes of administration and expected effects and outcomes have the potential to improve reproductive health outcomes for women who choose to terminate pregnancies this way in Colombia.

Abortion service provision in South Asia: A comparative study of four countries.

OBJECTIVES: Nationally representative evidence on abortion service provision is scarce in South Asia. To inform improvements in service provision, this paper assesses the availability of facility-based postabortion services in Nepal, India (six states), Bangladesh and Pakistan, and legal abortion services in India and Nepal and Bangladesh (where the official term used is menstrual regulation or MR). STUDY DESIGN: The paper presents comparable indicators on three aspects of abortion service provision from representative surveys of public and private sector facilities, conducted over 2012-2015. Indicators cover three areas: (a) need for abortion-related care (total number of abortions and percent of abortions that are legal and the postabortion treatment rate); (b) availability and accessibility of facility-based abortion-related services (percent of facilities offering only one of the two services, percent which are public and percent located in rural areas); (c) quality of facility-based abortion care (percent of legal abortions using procedures not recommended by WHO and percent of women turned away when seeking abortion or MR services). RESULTS: The proportion of all abortions that are illegal ranges from 58% to almost 78% in the three countries where abortion is permitted under broad criteria. The annual treatment rate for abortion complications ranges from about 4 to 26 per 1000 women ages 15-49 across the countries and states covered. In India and Nepal, less than 40% of public sector facilities that are permitted to provide abortion services do so; in Bangladesh, the situation is somewhat better, at 53% providing MR. Across the six Indian states, 4-43% of facilities that offer abortion care are located in rural areas, disproportionately lower than the proportion of women living in rural areas (49-87%). About 30-60% of facilities offered only postabortion care and did not offer legal services in the three countries where legal services are permitted (with the sole exception of Tamil Nadu where this proportion was only 11%); of the remaining facilities, the large majority offered both services. Medication abortion is offered by the large majority of facilities that provide induced abortion and accounts for 40-45%, of facility-based abortions in Nepal and four of the states of India; in Assam and Bihar, this proportion was much lower (13% and 27% respectively). Invasive procedures that are not recommended by WHO are more widely used in India (up to 25-37% of facility-based abortions are D&C procedures; the large majority of this group are D&C, and a small proportion may be D&E, a WHO-recommended abortion procedure, that could not be separated out in this study because providers use the two labels interchangeably); by comparison, the proportion is much smaller in Nepal (5%). Between 22% to a little over half of facilities turned away some women who would otherwise be eligible for an abortion or MR procedure in Nepal, the six Indian states, and Bangladesh. CONCLUSIONS: There is an urgent need to increase access to abortion, MR and postabortion services, especially for rural women. Greater access to legal abortion/MR services in the three countries that permit these procedures would increase the proportion of abortions that are legal and safe, reduce morbidity and the need for facility-based treatment for complications. Broadening the legal criteria under which abortion is permitted in Pakistan, and implementing access under such broader criteria, is needed to achieve the same improvements in Pakistan. Ensuring that these services are of high quality and comprehensive-meeting WHO-recommended standards-is essential to protect women's reproductive health and rights. IMPLICATIONS: To improve access to abortion, MR and postabortion care in South Asia, all facilities (public and private) permitted to provide these services should do so, and should include medication abortion. Improvements in quality of care are critical: invasive procedures (D&C) should be eliminated through adherence to WHO's standards of safe abortion care and women seeking abortions should not be turned away because of providers' biases.

Correction: Abortion in Zimbabwe: A national study of the incidence of induced abortion, unintended pregnancy and post-abortion care in 2016.

[This corrects the article DOI: 10.1371/journal.pone.0205239.].