Speech onsets and sustained speech contribute differentially to delta and theta speech tracking in auditory cortex.

When we attentively listen to an individual's speech, our brain activity dynamically aligns to the incoming acoustic input at multiple timescales. Although this systematic alignment between ongoing brain activity and speech in auditory brain areas is well established, the acoustic events that drive this phase-locking are not fully understood. Here, we use magnetoencephalographic recordings of 24 human participants (12 females) while they were listening to a 1 h story. We show that whereas speech-brain coupling is associated with sustained acoustic fluctuations in the speech envelope in the theta-frequency range (4-7 Hz), speech tracking in the low-frequency delta (below 1 Hz) was strongest around onsets of speech, like the beginning of a sentence. Crucially, delta tracking in bilateral auditory areas was not sustained after onsets, proposing a delta tracking during continuous speech perception that is driven by speech onsets. We conclude that both onsets and sustained components of speech contribute differentially to speech tracking in delta- and theta-frequency bands, orchestrating sampling of continuous speech. Thus, our results suggest a temporal dissociation of acoustically driven oscillatory activity in auditory areas during speech tracking, providing valuable implications for orchestration of speech tracking at multiple time scales.

Multivariate analysis of speech envelope tracking reveals coupling beyond auditory cortex.

The systematic alignment of low-frequency brain oscillations with the acoustic speech envelope signal is well established and has been proposed to be crucial for actively perceiving speech. Previous studies investigating speech-brain coupling in source space are restricted to univariate pairwise approaches between brain and speech signals, and therefore speech tracking information in frequency-specific communication channels might be lacking. To address this, we propose a novel multivariate framework for estimating speech-brain coupling where neural variability from source-derived activity is taken into account along with the rate of envelope's amplitude change (derivative). We applied it in magnetoencephalographic (MEG) recordings while human participants (male and female) listened to one hour of continuous naturalistic speech, showing that a multivariate approach outperforms the corresponding univariate method in low- and high frequencies across frontal, motor, and temporal areas. Systematic comparisons revealed that the gain in low frequencies (0.6 - 0.8 Hz) was related to the envelope's rate of change whereas in higher frequencies (from 0.8 to 10 Hz) it was mostly related to the increased neural variability from source-derived cortical areas. Furthermore, following a non-negative matrix factorization approach we found distinct speech-brain components across time and cortical space related to speech processing. We confirm that speech envelope tracking operates mainly in two timescales (δ and θ frequency bands) and we extend those findings showing shorter coupling delays in auditory-related components and longer delays in higher-association frontal and motor components, indicating temporal differences of speech tracking and providing implications for hierarchical stimulus-driven speech processing.

Simple Acoustic Features Can Explain Phoneme-Based Predictions of Cortical Responses to Speech.

When we listen to speech, we have to make sense of a waveform of sound pressure. Hierarchical models of speech perception assume that, to extract semantic meaning, the signal is transformed into unknown, intermediate neuronal representations. Traditionally, studies of such intermediate representations are guided by linguistically defined concepts, such as phonemes. Here, we argue that in order to arrive at an unbiased understanding of the neuronal responses to speech, we should focus instead on representations obtained directly from the stimulus. We illustrate our view with a data-driven, information theoretic analysis of a dataset of 24 young, healthy humans who listened to a 1 h narrative while their magnetoencephalogram (MEG) was recorded. We find that two recent results, the improved performance of an encoding model in which annotated linguistic and acoustic features were combined and the decoding of phoneme subgroups from phoneme-locked responses, can be explained by an encoding model that is based entirely on acoustic features. These acoustic features capitalize on acoustic edges and outperform Gabor-filtered spectrograms, which can explicitly describe the spectrotemporal characteristics of individual phonemes. By replicating our results in publicly available electroencephalography (EEG) data, we conclude that models of brain responses based on linguistic features can serve as excellent benchmarks. However, we believe that in order to further our understanding of human cortical responses to speech, we should also explore low-level and parsimonious explanations for apparent high-level phenomena.