ABSTRACT
The human brain is an efficient, adaptive, and predictive machine, constructing a generative model of the environment that we then perceive and become conscious of. Here, we show that different types of prediction-errors - the discrepancies between top-down expectations and bottom-up sensory input - are integrated across processing levels and sensory modalities of the cortical hierarchy. We designed a novel, hybrid protocol in which five prediction-establishing sounds were played in rapid succession (e.g., "meow", "meow", "meow", etc.), followed by either a standard (e.g., "meow") or a deviant (e.g., "woof") prime sound, then a visual target word that was either congruent or incongruent (e.g., "cat" or "dog") with the prime sound. We found that the deviants elicited a more negative voltage than the standards at about 150â¯ms - the mismatch negativity (MMN), an event-related potential (ERP) sensitive to low-level perceptual violations - and that the incongruent words elicited a more negative voltage than the congruent words at about 350â¯ms - the N400, an ERP sensitive to high-level semantic violations. We also found that the N400 was context-dependent: the N400 was larger when the target words were preceded by a standard than a deviant. Our results suggest that perceptual prediction-errors modulate subsequent semantic prediction-errors. We conclude that our results are consistent with one of the most important assumptions of predictive coding theories: hierarchical prediction-error processing.
Subject(s)
Evoked Potentials/physiology , Perception/physiology , Semantics , Acoustic Stimulation/methods , Auditory Perception/physiology , Brain/physiology , Cerebral Cortex/physiology , Electroencephalography/methods , Female , Humans , Male , Photic Stimulation/methods , Reading , Visual Perception/physiology , Young AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: There is evidence to suggest that people with established psychotic disorders show impairments in the mismatch negativity induced by a frequency-deviant sound (fMMN), and that these impairments worsen with the deterioration of psychotic symptoms. This study aimed to test whether individuals at ultra-high risk (UHR) for psychosis show pre-morbid impairments in fMMN, and if so, whether fMMN continues to deteriorate with transition to psychosis. METHOD: fMMN was recorded in a cohort of UHR individuals (n=42) and compared to healthy controls (n=29). Of the 27 UHR participants who returned for a second EEG session, six participants had transitioned to psychosis by 12-month follow-up (UHR-T) and were compared to the 21 participants who did not transition (UHR-NT). RESULTS: fMMN amplitude was significantly reduced, relative to healthy controls, in the UHR cohort. Furthermore, UHR-T individuals showed a significant decrease in fMMN amplitude over the period from baseline to post-transition; this reduction was not observed in UHR-NT. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that fMMN is abnormal in UHR individuals, as has repeatedly been found previously in people with established psychotic disorders. The finding that fMMN impairment worsens with transition to psychosis is consistent with the staging model of psychosis; however, caution must be taken in interpreting these findings, given the extremely small sample size of the UHR-T group.
Subject(s)
Contingent Negative Variation/physiology , Evoked Potentials, Auditory/physiology , Psychotic Disorders/physiopathology , Acoustic Stimulation , Adolescent , Adult , Analysis of Variance , Electroencephalography , Female , Humans , Male , Neuropsychological Tests , Psychiatric Status Rating Scales , Risk Factors , Young AdultABSTRACT
A cross-modal symbolic paradigm was used to elicit EEG activity related to semantic incongruence. Twenty-five undergraduate students viewed pairings of visual lexical cues (e.g., DOG) with congruent (50% of trials) or incongruent (50%) auditory nonlexical stimuli (animal vocalizations; e.g., sound of a dog woofing or a cat meowing). In one condition, many different pairs of congruent/incongruent stimuli were shown, whereas in a second condition only two pairs of stimuli were repeatedly shown. A typical N400-like pattern of incongruence-related activity (including activity in the N2 time window) was evident in the condition using many stimuli, whereas the incongruence-related activity in the two-stimuli condition was confined to differential N2-like activity. A supplementary analysis excluded stimulus characteristics as the source of this differential activity between conditions. We found that a single individual performing a fixed task can demonstrate either a protracted N400-like pattern of activity or a more temporally focused N2-like pattern of activity in response to the same stimulus, which suggests that the N2 may be a precursor to the protracted N400 response.