Pluridisciplinary evidence for burial for the La Ferrassie 8 Neandertal child.

The origin of funerary practices has important implications for the emergence of so-called modern cognitive capacities and behaviour. We provide new multidisciplinary information on the archaeological context of the La Ferrassie 8 Neandertal skeleton (grand abri of La Ferrassie, Dordogne, France), including geochronological data -14C and OSL-, ZooMS and ancient DNA data, geological and stratigraphic information from the surrounding context, complete taphonomic study of the skeleton and associated remains, spatial information from the 1968-1973 excavations, and new (2014) fieldwork data. Our results show that a pit was dug in a sterile sediment layer and the corpse of a two-year-old child was laid there. A hominin bone from this context, identified through Zooarchaeology by Mass Spectrometry (ZooMS) and associated with Neandertal based on its mitochondrial DNA, yielded a direct 14C age of 41.7-40.8 ka cal BP (95%), younger than the 14C dates of the overlying archaeopaleontological layers and the OSL age of the surrounding sediment. This age makes the bone one of the most recent directly dated Neandertals. It is consistent with the age range for the Châtelperronian in the site and in this region and represents the third association of Neandertal taxa to Initial Upper Palaeolithic lithic technocomplex in Western Europe. A detailed multidisciplinary approach, as presented here, is essential to advance understanding of Neandertal behavior, including funerary practices.

Between belief and fear - Reinterpreting prone burials during the Middle Ages and early modern period in German-speaking Europe.

Prone burials are among the most distinctive deviant burials during the Middle Ages and early modern period. Despite their worldwide distribution, the meaning of this burial practice is still a matter of debate. So far, a comprehensive analysis of prone burials is lacking for Central Europe. By compiling evidence from Germany, Switzerland and Austria, this study investigates how these findings fit into the scope of medieval funerary practices. 95 prone burials from 60 archaeological sites were analyzed regarding geographical distribution, dating, burial features, body position, age-at-death and sex. We applied descriptive statistics accompanied by multiple correspondence analysis in order to highlight possible multivariate patterns in the dataset. Prone burials occur in funerary and non-funerary contexts, with a predominance of single churchyard burials, followed by favored and exterior location and settlements. In terms of grave features, the majority of churchyard burials do not differ from regular graves. Multivariate patterns appear to reflect diachronic changes in normative burial practices. We found a significant correlation between burial location and dating, due to a higher frequency of high medieval males in favored locations. In these cases, prone position is interpreted as a sign of humility, while similar evidences from late and post-medieval times are seen as an expression of deviancy. Apparent lack of care during burial reveals disrespect and possible social exclusion, with inhumations outside consecrated ground being the ultimate punishment. In some regions, apotropaic practices suggest that corpses should be prevented from returning, as attested in contemporaneous sources and folk beliefs. We hypothesize that the increase of prone burials towards the late and post-medieval period is linked to such practices triggered by epidemic diseases. The multiplicity of meanings that prone position might have in different contexts demands for careful interpretations within the same regional and chronological frame.

A possible case of mycosis in a post-classical burial from La Selvicciola (Italy).

An examination of an adult male buried from the post-classical necropolis of La Selvicciola (Viterbo, Latium, Italy; 4th-6th centuries AD) revealed a series of skeletal lesions. The lesions, both proliferative and lytic, ranging in size from small (around 0.01 mm) to extensive (up to 16.00 mm) pits, occurred at multiple sites. A holistic approach assessed lesion type, frequency and location in a differential diagnosis, which included myeloma, metastatic carcinoma, tuberculosis, leukemia, osteomyelitis, and mycoses. It was concluded that a mycosis, specifically Cryptococcosis, was the most likely cause of these lesions. Both macroscopic analyses and X-ray scans support our diagnosis. We also provide a methodological scheme as a model for examining unknown lesion patterns.

Demographic differences between funerary caves and megalithic graves of northern Spanish Late Neolithic/Early Chalcolithic.

OBJECTIVES: The study focuses on the estimation of demographic parameters of Late Neolithic/Early Chalcolithic (mid 4th-early 3rd millenniums cal. BC) burial sites from the La Rioja region (Ebro valley, northern Spain) to identify demographic characteristics. MATERIALS AND METHODS: The human remains come from three caves (Las Yurdinas II, Peña Larga, and La Peña de Marañón) and three megalithic graves (Alto de la Huesera, San Martín, and Peña Guerra II). The total skeletal sample consists of a minimum of 261 individuals, 149 being buried in caves and 112 in megalithic graves. Data based on age and sex estimation are analyzed using abridged life tables, mortality rates, and sex ratios. RESULTS: A systematic bias against children under 5 years of age is detected both in caves (5 q0 = 187.92%) and megalithic graves (5 q0 = 71.43%) but also against some juveniles and adults compared with population models, though a statistically significant greater lack of infants is worth noting in the megaliths (t-test, P = 0.012). Moreover, a significant divergence in sex ratios (χ(2) , P = 0.002) is also identified between site types, clearly prioritizing women in caves (sex ratio = 0.45) and men in megalithic graves (sex ratio = 1.33). CONCLUSIONS: This evidence is interpreted as the result of different selective burial patterns. The mortuary variability could lie behind intragroup differential status relationships, though the hypothesis of two populations performing distinct funerary practices in a small region cannot be rejected at the present state of the research. Am J Phys Anthropol 160:284-297, 2016. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Collective secondary cremation in a pit grave: a unique funerary context in Portuguese Chalcolithic burial practices.

Perdigões is a large site with a set of ditched enclosures located at Reguengos de Monsaraz, Alentejo, South Portugal. Recently at the central area of this site burnt human remains were found in a pit (#16). This structure had inside human remains, animal bones (namely pig, sheep or goat, cattle, dog, deer and rabbit), shards, ivory idols and arrowheads. All have been subjected to fire and later deposited in that pit, resulting in a secondary disposal of human bones. The recovered fragmented human bones (4845.18 g) correspond to a minimal number of 9 individuals: 6 adults and 3 sub-adults. The aim of this work is to document and interpret this funerary context based on the study of the recovered human remains. For that purpose, observations of all alterations due to fire, such as colour change and type of bone distortion, as well as anthropological data were collected. The data obtained suggest that these human remains were probably intentionally cremated, carefully collected and finally deposited in this pit. The cremation was conducted on probably complete corpses, some of them still fairly fresh and fleshed, as some bones presented thumbnail fractures. The collective cremation of the pit 16 represents an unprecedented funerary context for Portuguese, and Iberian Peninsula, Chalcolithic burial practices. Moreover, it is an example of the increasing diversity of mortuary practices of Chalcolithic human populations described in present Portuguese territory, as well as, in the Iberian Peninsula.

Status and health in Roman Dorset: the effect of status on risk of mortality in post-conquest populations.

The Roman conquest of Britain was previously shown to have negatively impacted health, particularly for children, older adults, and men. We build upon this previous research by investigating the effect that status had on risks of mortality within the Roman Britain populations of Dorset. This study incorporates a sample of 291 individuals excavated from several cemeteries in the county of Dorset dating between the first to early fifth centuries AD. To assess the effect of status on risks of mortality, burial type was used as a proxy for status and modeled as a covariate affecting the Siler and Gompertz-Makeham models of mortality. The results of these analyses indicate that high-status individuals, particularly children, had a lower mortality risk compared to lower-status groups; and for those buried in urban cemeteries, higher-status individuals of all age-groups had a lower mortality risk. As with our previous study (Redfern and DeWitte: Am J Phys Anthropol 144 (2011) 269-285), we found that male mortality risk was higher than females, which we consider to reflect underlying sex-differences in immunity and disease response.

Upper Palaeolithic infant burials.

Decorations on the bodies of newborns indicate that they were probably important in their community. Several adult graves from the Stone Age (Upper Palaeolithic period) have been found but child burials seem to be rare, which has prompted discussion about whether this apparently different treatment of infants could be significant. Here we describe two recently discovered infant burials from this period at Krems-Wachtberg in Lower Austria, in which the bodies were covered with red ochre and decorated with ornaments and were therefore probably ritually buried. These findings indicate that even newborns were considered to be full members of these hunter-gatherer communities about 27,000 years ago.

A critical review of the German Paleolithic hominin record.

We review the hominin fossil record from western Central Europe in light of the recent major revisions of the geochronological context. The mandible from Mauer (Homo heidelbergensis), dated to circa 500,000 years ago, continues to represent the earliest German hominin and may coincide with the occupation of Europe north of the high alpine mountain chains. Only limited new evidence is available for the Middle Pleistocene, mostly in the form of skull fragments, a pattern that may relate to taphonomic processes. These finds and their ages suggest the gradual evolution of a suite of Neandertal features during this period. Despite new finds of classic Neandertals, there is no clear proof for Neandertal burial from Germany. Alternatively, cut marks on a skull fragment from the Neandertal type site suggest special treatment of that individual. New Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dates of previous finds leave little reliably dated evidence for anatomically modern humans (AMH) in Europe before 30,000 BP; the remains from Hahnöfersand, Binshof-Speyer, Paderborn-Sande, and Vogelherd are now of Holocene age. Thus, a correlation of AMH with the Aurignacian remains to be proven, and the general idea of a long coexistence of Neandertals and AMH in Europe may be questioned. In western Central Europe, evidence of Gravettian human fossils is also very limited, although a new double grave from lower Austria may be relevant. The only dated burial from the German Upper Paleolithic (from Mittlere Klause) falls into a time period (circa 18,600 BP) represented by only a few occupation sites in western Central Europe. A number of human remains at Magdalenian sites appear to result from variable (secondary) burial practices. In contrast, the Final Paleolithic (circa 12,000-9600 cal. BC) yields an increase of hominin finds, including multiple burials (Bonn-Oberkassel, Neuwied-Irlich), similar to the situation in western and southern Europe.

Middle Palaeolithic burial is not a dead issue: the view from Qafzeh, Saint-Césaire, Kebara, Amud, and Dederiyeh.

Inferences of purposeful Middle Palaeolithic (MP) burial are almost universally accepted, despite published arguments that the pre-1960s discoveries are equally well explained by natural processes. In the modern human origins debate (perhaps the most hotly disputed question in palaeoanthropology) inferences of MP burial are crucial in arguments for an early Upper Pleistocene emergence of modern humans. The present paper contributed to that debate by re-examining a number of post-1960s excavations of MP hominid remains. Because these were excavated with meticulous attention to depositional circumstances and stratigraphic context, most palaeoanthropologists consider these inferences of purposeful burial to be based on irrefutable evidence. This paper focuses on the reasoning behind such claims, especially the assumption that articulated sketetal material is prima facie evidence for deliberate burial. First it reviews a range of processes operating in caves and rockshelters that condition the probability of articulated skeletal material preserving without hominid intervention. Processes such as deposition, decomposition, and disturbance are inherently more variable in caves and rockshelters than is usually acknowledged. The first section concludes that purposeful protection is not necessary to account for the preservation of articulated skeletal remains. The second part of the paper examines the published record from Qafzeh, Saint-Césaire, Kebara, Amud and Dederiyeh, where the majority of the remains claimed to have been buried are fragmented, incomplete, and disarticulated. This re-examination suggests that in all of the post-1960s cases of putative burial, the hominid remains occur in special depositional circumstances, which by themselves are sufficient to account for the preservation in evidence at these sites. This conclusion severely weakens arguments for purposeful burial at the five sites. Moreover, the equivocal nature of the evidence in the more recent cases renders even less secure the similar claims made for discoveries of hominid skeletal remains at La Chapelle-aux-Saints, Le Mousterier, La Ferrassie, Teshik-Tash, La Grotte du Régourdou, Shanidar, and several others. Finally, by highlighting the equivocal nature of the evidence, this paper underscores the ongoing need for palaeoanthropologists to specify as wide a range of taphonomic processes as possible when interpreting the archaeological record. This will aid in producing robust inferences, and will bring about increasingly accurate knowledge of when hominids became human.

Brief communication: bioarcheological and biocultural evidence for the New England vampire folk belief.

Folk beliefs associated with death and disease can impact on the bioarcheological record. Unusual postmortem actions by humans and distinctive paleopathological evidence may be clues to these beliefs. This report presents bioarcheological and paleopathological evidence in support of a 19th century New England folk belief in vampires with a particular reference to a colonial period burial. The New England folk belief in vampires revolves around the ability of a deceased tuberculosis victim to return from the dead as a vampire and cause the "wasting away" of the surviving relatives. To stop the actions of the vampire, the body of the consumptive was exhumed and disrupted in various ways. Twelve historic accounts of this activity indicate that the belief was not uncommon in 19th century New England. This creative interpretation of contagion is consistent with the etiology of tuberculosis. Three pieces of evidence are important in this case. The skeletal of a 50- to 55-year-old male from a mid-19th century Connecticut cemetery exhibiting pulmonary tuberculosis rib lesions are discussed. In addition, certain bones in the skeleton were rearranged after decomposition was complete. A historic vampire account from the same time period and geographical location place the belief within the parameters of the cemetery.