Resting-state functional connectivity and reading subskills in children.

Individual differences in reading ability have been linked to characteristics of functional connectivity in the brain in both children and adults. However, many previous studies have used single or composite measures of reading, leading to difficulty characterizing the role of functional connectivity in discrete subskills of reading. The present study addresses this issue using resting-state fMRI to examine how resting-state functional connectivity (RSFC) related to individual differences in children's reading subskills, including decoding, sight word reading, reading comprehension, and rapid automatized naming (RAN). Findings showed both positive and negative RSFC-behaviour relationships that diverged across different reading subskills. Positive relationships included increasing RSFC among left dorsal and anterior regions with increasing decoding proficiency, and increasing RSFC between the left thalamus and right fusiform gyrus with increasing sight word reading, RAN, and reading comprehension abilities. In contrast, negative relationships suggested greater functional segregation of attentional and reading networks with improved performance on RAN, decoding, and reading comprehension tasks. Importantly, the results suggest that although reading subskills rely to some extent on shared functional networks, there are also distinct functional connections supporting different components of reading ability in children.

ERPs reveal the temporal dynamics of auditory word recognition in specific language impairment.

We used event-related potentials (ERPs) to compare auditory word recognition in children with specific language impairment (SLI group; N=14) to a group of typically developing children (TD group; N=14). Subjects were presented with pictures of items and heard auditory words that either matched or mismatched the pictures. Mismatches overlapped expected words in word-onset (cohort mismatches; see: DOLL, hear: dog), rhyme (CONE -bone), or were unrelated (SHELL -mug). In match trials, the SLI group showed a different pattern of N100 responses to auditory stimuli compared to the TD group, indicative of early auditory processing differences in SLI. However, the phonological mapping negativity (PMN) response to mismatching items was comparable across groups, suggesting that just like TD children, children with SLI are capable of establishing phonological expectations and detecting violations of these expectations in an online fashion. Perhaps most importantly, we observed a lack of attenuation of the N400 for rhyming words in the SLI group, which suggests that either these children were not as sensitive to rhyme similarity as their typically developing peers, or did not suppress lexical alternatives to the same extent. These findings help shed light on the underlying deficits responsible for SLI.

Atypical neural responses to phonological detail in children with developmental language impairments.

Specific Language Impairment (SLI) is a developmental disorder affecting language learning across a number of domains. These difficulties are thought to be related to difficulties processing auditory speech, given findings of imperfect auditory processing across nonspeech tones, individual speech sounds and syllables. However the relationship of auditory difficulties to language development remains unclear. Perceiving connected speech involves resolving coarticulation, the imperceptible blending of speech movements across adjacent sounds, which gives rise to subtle variations in speech sounds. The present study used event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine neural responses to coarticulation in school age children with and without SLI. Atypical neural responses were observed for the SLI group in ERP indices of prelexical-phonological but not lexical stages of processing. Specifically, incongruent coarticulatory information resulted in a modulation of the N100 in the SLI but not typically developing group while a Phonological Mapping Negativity was elicited in the typically developing but not SLI group, unless additional cues were present. Neural responses to unexpected lexical mismatches indexed by the N400 ERP component were the same for both groups. The results demonstrate a relative insensitivity to important subphonemic features in SLI.