Stability of the Cortical Sensory Waveforms, the P1-N1-P2 Complex and T-Complex, of Auditory Evoked Potentials.

Purpose: Atypical cortical sensory waveforms reflecting impaired encoding of auditory stimuli may result from inconsistency in cortical response to the acoustic feature changes within spoken words. Thus, the present study assessed intrasubject stability of the P1-N1-P2 complex and T-complex to multiple productions of spoken nonwords in 48 adults to provide benchmarks for future studies probing auditory processing deficits. Method: Response trials were split (split epoch averages) for each of 4 word types for each subject and compared for similarity in waveform morphology. Waveform morphology association was assessed between 50 and 600 ms, the time frame reflecting spectro-temporal feature processing for the stimuli used in the study. Results: Using approximately 70 trials in each split epoch, the P1-N1-P2 complex was found to be highly stable, with high positive associations found for all subjects for at least 3 word types. The T-complex was more variable, with high positive associations found for all subjects to at least 1 word type. Conclusions: The P1-N1-P2 split epochs at group and individual levels and the T-complex at group level can be used to assess consistency of neural response in individuals with auditory processing deficits. The T-complex relative to the P1-N1-P2 complex in individuals can provide information pertaining to phonological processing.

T-complex measures in bilingual Spanish-English and Turkish-German children and monolingual peers.

BACKGROUND: Lateral temporal neural measures (Na and T-complex Ta and Tb) of the auditory evoked potential (AEP) index maturation of auditory/speech processing. These measures are also sensitive to language experience in adults. This paper examined neural responses to a vowel sound at temporal electrodes in four- to five-year-old Spanish-English bilinguals and English monolinguals and in five- to six-year-old Turkish-German bilinguals and German monolinguals. The goal was to determine whether obligatory AEPs at temporal electrode sites were modulated by language experience. Language experience was defined in terms of monolingual versus bilingual status as well as the amount and quality of the bilingual language experience. METHOD: AEPs were recorded at left and right temporal electrode sites to a 250-ms vowel [Ɛ] from 20 monolingual (American)-English and 18 Spanish-English children from New York City, and from 11 Turkish-German and 13 monolingual German children from Ulm, Germany. Language background information and standardized verbal and non-verbal test scores were obtained for the children. RESULTS: The results revealed differences in temporal AEPs (Na and Ta of the T-complex) between monolingual and bilingual children. Specifically, bilingual children showed smaller and/or later peak amplitudes than the monolingual groups. Ta-amplitude distinguished monolingual and bilingual children best at right electrode sites for both the German and American groups. Amount of experience and type of experience with the target language (English and German) influenced processing. CONCLUSIONS: The finding of reduced amplitudes at the Ta latency for bilingual compared to monolingual children indicates that language specific experience, and not simply maturational factors, influences development of the neural processes underlying the Ta AEP, and suggests that lateral temporal cortex has an important role in language-specific speech perception development.

From Sensory Perception to Lexical-Semantic Processing: An ERP Study in Non-Verbal Children with Autism.

This study examines electrocortical activity associated with visual and auditory sensory perception and lexical-semantic processing in nonverbal (NV) or minimally-verbal (MV) children with Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). Currently, there is no agreement on whether these children comprehend incoming linguistic information and whether their perception is comparable to that of typically developing children. Event-related potentials (ERPs) of 10 NV/MV children with ASD and 10 neurotypical children were recorded during a picture-word matching paradigm. Atypical ERP responses were evident at all levels of processing in children with ASD. Basic perceptual processing was delayed in both visual and auditory domains but overall was similar in amplitude to typically-developing children. However, significant differences between groups were found at the lexical-semantic level, suggesting more atypical higher-order processes. The results suggest that although basic perception is relatively preserved in NV/MV children with ASD, higher levels of processing, including lexical- semantic functions, are impaired. The use of passive ERP paradigms that do not require active participant response shows significant potential for assessment of non-compliant populations such as NV/MV children with ASD.

Representation of spectro-temporal features of spoken words within the P1-N1-P2 and T-complex of the auditory evoked potentials (AEP).

The purpose of the study was to determine whether P1-N1-P2 and T-complex morphology reflect spectro-temporal features within spoken words that approximate the natural variation of a speaker and whether waveform morphology is reliable at group and individual levels, necessary for probing auditory deficits. The P1-N1-P2 and T-complex to the syllables /pət/ and /sət/ within 70 natural word productions each were examined. EEG was recorded while participants heard nonsense word pairs and performed a syllable identification task to the second word in the pairs. Single trial auditory evoked potentials (AEP) to the first words were analyzed. Results found P1-N1-P2 and T-complex to reflect spectral and temporal feature processing. Also, results identified preliminary benchmarks for single trial response variability for individual subjects for sensory processing between 50 and 600ms. P1-N1-P2 and T-complex, at least at group level, may serve as phenotypic signatures to identify deficits in spectro-temporal feature recognition and to determine area of deficit, the superior temporal plane or lateral superior temporal gyrus.

Neural measures of a Japanese consonant length discrimination by Japanese and American English listeners: Effects of attention.

This study examined automaticity of discrimination of a Japanese length contrast for consonants (miʃi vs. miʃʃi) in native (Japanese) and non-native (American-English) listeners using behavioral measures and the event-related potential (ERP) mismatch negativity (MMN). Attention to the auditory input was manipulated either away from the auditory input via a visual oddball task (Visual Attend), or to the input by asking the listeners to count auditory deviants (Auditory Attend). Results showed a larger MMN when attention was focused on the consonant contrast than away from it for both groups. The MMN was larger for consonant duration increments than decrements. No difference in MMN between the language groups was observed, but the Japanese listeners did show better behavioral discrimination than the American English listeners. In addition, behavioral responses showed a weak, but significant correlation with MMN amplitude. These findings suggest that both acoustic-phonetic properties and phonological experience affects automaticity of speech processing. This article is part of a Special Issue entitled SI: Prediction and Attention.

Maturation of cortical auditory evoked potentials (CAEPs) to speech recorded from frontocentral and temporal sites: three months to eight years of age.

The goal of the current analysis was to examine the maturation of cortical auditory evoked potentials (CAEPs) from three months of age to eight years of age. The superior frontal positive-negative-positive sequence (P1, N2, P2) and the temporal site, negative-positive-negative sequence (possibly, Na, Ta, Tb of the T-complex) were examined. Event-related potentials were recorded from 63 scalp sites to a 250-ms vowel. Amplitude and latency of peaks were measured at left and right frontal sites (near Fz) and at left and right temporal sites (T7 and T8). In addition, the largest peak (typically corresponding to P1) was selected from global field power (GFP). The results revealed a large positive peak (P1) easily identified at frontal sites across all ages. The N2 emerged after 6 months of age and the following P2 between 8 and 30 months of age. The latencies of these peaks decreased exponentially with the most rapid decrease observed for P1. For amplitude, only P1 showed a clear relationship with age, becoming more positive in a somewhat linear fashion. At the temporal sites only a negative peak, which might be Na, was clearly observed at both left and right sites in children older than 14 months and peaking between 100 and 200 ms. P1 measures at frontal sites and Na peak latencies were moderately correlated. The temporal negative peak latency showed a different maturational timecourse (linear in nature) than the P1 peak, suggesting at least partial independence. Distinct Ta (positive) and Tb (negative) peaks, following Na and peaking between 120 and 220 ms were not consistently found in most age groups of children, except Ta which was present in 7 year olds. Future research, which includes manipulation of stimulus factors, and use of modeling techniques will be needed to explain the apparent, protracted maturation of the temporal site measures in the current study.

Neural mismatch indices of vowel discrimination in monolingually and bilingually exposed infants: does attention matter?

Neurophysiological studies of infant speech suggest that mismatch responses (MMRs) have predictive value for later language. Their value, however, is diminished because unexplained differences in the MMR patterns are seen across studies. The current study aimed to identify the functional nature of infant MMRs by recording event-related-potentials (ERPs) to an infrequent English vowel change in internal or final positions of a sequence of ten vowels in six-month-old monolingually and bilingually exposed infants. Increased negativity of the MMR (infrequent minus frequent) was found in final compared to internal positions and correlated with an index of increased attention to the final position. This pattern helps explain the overall greater negativity to the speech sounds in the bilingually exposed female infants. These findings substantially advance our understanding of neural indices of speech perception development and show promise for furthering our understanding of bilingual language development.

Evidence of deficient central speech processing in children with specific language impairment: the T-complex.

OBJECTIVE: This paper examined neurophysiological correlates of speech in children with language impairment (LI) and typical language development (TLD) across four experiments using different speech stimuli and tasks. METHODS: The T-complex event-related potential (ERP) components and other ERP components (e.g., mismatch negativity [MMN]; N400) were examined. A subset of the children participated in more than one of the experiments. RESULTS: 73% of the children with LI had poor T-complex measures compared to only 13% of children with TLD. The T-complex measures were more comparable, in terms of indicating typical versus deviant processing, to neurophysiological measures of language processing, such as lexical discrimination, than to other measures of auditory and speech processing, such as the MMN. Only one LI child showed no poor measures and 64% showed three or more poor neurophysiological measures. However, 50% of children with TLD showed no poor neurophysiological measures, and 82% of the TLD children showed no more than two poor measures. CONCLUSIONS: These results suggest that poor auditory processing, as measured by the T-complex, is a marker for LI and that multiple deficits serve to mark LI. SIGNIFICANCE: The T-complex measures, indexing secondary auditory cortex, reflect an important aspect of processing in speech and language development.

Maturation of speech discrimination in 4- to 7-yr-old children as indexed by event-related potential mismatch responses.

OBJECTIVES: This study examined maturation of mismatch responses (MMRs) to an English vowel contrast (/I/ versus /ε/) in 4- to 7-yr-old children. DESIGN: Event-related potentials were recorded to a standard [ε] and deviant [I] vowel presented in trains of 10 stimuli at a rate of 1/650 msecs and with an intertrain interval of 1.5 secs. Each train contained two deviant vowels. Averaged responses were calculated for the infrequent (deviant) and the frequent (standard) trials for each child and compared across age groups. RESULTS: Significantly greater negativity, consistent with the adult mismatch negativity (MMN), was observed to the deviants between 300 and 400 msecs for both younger (4- and 5-yr-old) and older (6- and 7-yr-old) children. This MMN-like negativity shifted earlier in latency by 25 msecs/yr with increasing age. Most of the children younger than 5.5 yrs and some of the older children also showed a positive MMR (p-MMR) peaking between 100 and 300 msecs. The p-MMR diminished in amplitude with increasing age. CONCLUSIONS: Maturation of speech discrimination, as indexed by MMN, occurs more rapidly between 4 and 7 yrs of age for vowels than for tones. A p-MMR preceding the MMN also reflects discrimination in younger children and declines in amplitude with age.

Neurophysiological indices of attention to speech in children with specific language impairment.

OBJECTIVE: The aim was to determine whether children with specific language impairment (SLI) differed from children with typical language development (TLD) in their allocation of attention to speech sounds. METHODS: Event-related potentials were recorded to non-target speech sounds in two tasks (passive-watch a video and attend to target tones among speech sounds) in two experiments, one using 50-ms duration vowels and the second using 250-ms vowels. The difference in ERPs across tasks was examined in the latency range of the early negative difference wave (Nd) found in adults. Analyses of the data using selected superior and inferior sites were compared to those using electrical field power (i.e., global field power or GFP). The topography of the ERP at the maximum GFP was also examined. RESULTS: A negative difference, comparable to the adult Nd, was observed in the attend compared to the passive task for both types of analysis, suggesting allocation of attentional resources to processing the speech stimuli in the attend task. Children with TLD also showed greater negativity than those with SLI in the passive task for the long vowels, suggesting that they allocated more attentional resources to processing the speech in this task than the SLI group. This effect was only significant using the GFP analysis and was seen as smaller GFP for the TLD than SLI group. The SLI group also showed significantly later latency than the TLD group in reaching the maximum GFP. In addition, a significantly greater proportion of children with SLI compared to those with typical language showed left-greater-than-right frontocentral amplitude at the latency determined from each child's maximum GFP peak. CONCLUSIONS: Children generally showed greater attention to speech sounds when attention is directed to the auditory modality compared to the visual modality. However, children with TLD, unlike SLI, also appear to devote some attentional resources to speech even in a task in which they are instructed to attend to visual information and ignore the speech. SIGNIFICANCE: These findings suggest that children with SLI have limited attentional resources, that they are poorer at dividing attention, or that they are less automatic in allocating resources to speech compared to children with typically developing language skills.

Neurophysiological indexes of speech processing deficits in children with specific language impairment.

We used neurophysiological and behavioral measures to examine whether children with specific language impairment (SLI) have deficits in automatic processing of brief, phonetically similar vowels, and whether attention plays a role in such deficits. The neurophysiological measure mismatch negativity (MMN) was used as an index of discrimination in two tasks; one in which children ignored the auditory stimuli and watched a silent video and a second in which they attended to the auditory modality. Children with SLI showed good behavioral discrimination, but significantly poorer behavioral identification of the brief vowels than the children with typical language development (TLD). For the TLD children, two neurophysiological measures (MMN and a later negativity, LN) indexed discrimination of the vowels in both tasks. In contrast, only the LN was elicited in either task for the SLI group. We did not see a direct correspondence between the absence of MMN and poor behavioral performance in the children with SLI. This pattern of findings indicates that children with SLI have speech perception deficiencies, although the underlying cause may vary.

Maturation of mismatch negativity: a scalp current density analysis.

OBJECTIVE: Auditory evoked potentials provide the opportunity to better understand the central processing of auditory stimuli, which is the basis of speech and language perception. The purpose of this study was to examine maturational changes in the topography of one of these auditory evoked potentials, the mismatch negativity (MMN), using scalp current density (SCD) analysis. DESIGN: Subjects were children ages 4 to 11 yr (N = 53), and adults (N = 12). Stimuli were 85 dB peSPL 1000 Hz standard tones and 1200 Hz deviant tones (deviant probability = 0.15). Auditory evoked potentials were recorded using surface electrodes placed at 32 locations on the head while subjects ignored the stimuli by watching a silent video. RESULTS: Significant maturational changes in topography of MMN were seen over frontal and left lateral sites. CONCLUSIONS: Differences in MMN for the children compared to adults indicate that the MMN generators or their orientation, and thus the neural processes underlying discrimination of simple tones, are not yet mature by 11 yr of age.