Neural correlates of phonological, orthographic and semantic reading processing in dyslexia.

Developmental dyslexia is one of the most prevalent learning disabilities, thought to be associated with dysfunction in the neural systems underlying typical reading acquisition. Neuroimaging research has shown that readers with dyslexia exhibit regional hypoactivation in left hemisphere reading nodes, relative to control counterparts. This evidence, however, comes from studies that have focused only on isolated aspects of reading. The present study aims to characterize left hemisphere regional hypoactivation in readers with dyslexia for the main processes involved in successful reading: phonological, orthographic and semantic. Forty-one participants performed a demanding reading task during MRI scanning. Results showed that readers with dyslexia exhibited hypoactivation associated with phonological processing in parietal regions; with orthographic processing in parietal regions, Broca's area, ventral occipitotemporal cortex and thalamus; and with semantic processing in angular gyrus and hippocampus. Stronger functional connectivity was observed for readers with dyslexia than for control readers 1) between the thalamus and the inferior parietal cortex/ventral occipitotemporal cortex during pseudoword reading; and, 2) between the hippocampus and the pars opercularis during word reading. These findings constitute the strongest evidence to date for the interplay between regional hypoactivation and functional connectivity in the main processes supporting reading in dyslexia.

Language dominance shapes non-linguistic rhythmic grouping in bilinguals.

To what degree non-linguistic auditory rhythm perception is governed by universal biases (e.g., Iambic-Trochaic Law; Hayes, 1995) or shaped by native language experience is debated. It has been proposed that rhythmic regularities in spoken language, such as phrasal prosody affect the grouping abilities of monolinguals (e.g., Iversen, Patel, & Ohgushi, 2008). Here, we assessed the non-linguistic tone grouping biases of Spanish monolinguals, and three groups of Basque-Spanish bilinguals with different levels of Basque experience. It is usually assumed in the literature that Basque and Spanish have different phrasal prosodies and even linguistic rhythms. To confirm this, first, we quantified Basque and Spanish phrasal prosody (Experiment 1a) and duration patterns used in the classification of languages into rhythm classes (Experiment 1b). The acoustic measurements revealed that regularities in phrasal prosody systematically differ across Basque and Spanish; by contrast, the rhythms of the two languages are only minimally dissimilar. In Experiment 2, participants' non-linguistic rhythm preferences were assessed in response to non-linguistic tones alternating in either intensity (Intensity condition) or in duration (Duration condition). In the Intensity condition, all groups showed a trochaic grouping bias, as predicted by the Iambic-Trochaic Law. In the Duration Condition the Spanish monolingual and the most Basque-dominant bilingual group exhibited opposite grouping preferences in line with the phrasal prosodies of their native/dominant languages, trochaic in Basque, iambic in Spanish. The two other bilingual groups showed no significant biases, however. Overall, results indicate that duration-based grouping mechanisms are biased toward the phrasal prosody of the native and dominant language; also, the presence of an L2 in the environment interacts with the auditory biases.

Developmental evaluation of atypical auditory sampling in dyslexia: Functional and structural evidence.

Whether phonological deficits in developmental dyslexia are associated with impaired neural sampling of auditory information at either syllabic- or phonemic-rates is still under debate. In addition, whereas neuroanatomical alterations in auditory regions have been documented in dyslexic readers, whether and how these structural anomalies are linked to auditory sampling and reading deficits remains poorly understood. In this study, we measured auditory neural synchronization at different frequencies corresponding to relevant phonological spectral components of speech in children and adults with and without dyslexia, using magnetoencephalography. Furthermore, structural MRI was used to estimate cortical thickness of the auditory cortex of participants. Dyslexics showed atypical brain synchronization at both syllabic (slow) and phonemic (fast) rates. Interestingly, while a left hemispheric asymmetry in cortical thickness was functionally related to a stronger left hemispheric lateralization of neural synchronization to stimuli presented at the phonemic rate in skilled readers, the same anatomical index in dyslexics was related to a stronger right hemispheric dominance for neural synchronization to syllabic-rate auditory stimuli. These data suggest that the acoustic sampling deficit in development dyslexia might be linked to an atypical specialization of the auditory cortex to both low and high frequency amplitude modulations.

Syllable congruency and word frequency effects on brain activation.

This article investigates the neural representation of the processes involved in recognizing multisyllabic words in Spanish asking whether lexical and sublexical processes are reflected in a different neuronal activation pattern. High and low frequency words were presented for lexical decision in two different colors. In the congruent condition the color boundaries matched the limit of the first syllable, whereas in the incongruent condition color boundaries and syllable boundaries did not match. The results revealed robust and dissociable brain activations for lexical frequency and syllable-color congruency, but no interaction between the two. We interpreted the greater activation for low relative to high frequency words in the left pre/SMA region, and in the insula/inferior frontal cortex bilaterally to reflect a differential recruitment of lexico-phonological and/or semantic processes. In contrast, we considered two interpretations for the greater deactivation in the precuneus for both lexical frequency and syllable-color congruency words, and in the thalami and a frontal area for syllable-color congruency words only. The deactivations may reflect the differential engagement of semantic processing or may result from the differential allocation of attentional resources. Importantly, while a differential deactivation pattern was observed in the precuneus region for lexicality and syllable-color congruency, BOLD deconvolution revealed a remarkable difference in timing of the two effects with a much earlier deactivation peak for the syllable-color congruency factor. Thus, effects of lexical frequency and syllable-color congruency on brain activation show an important dissociation between lexical and sublexical processes during visual word recognition of multisyllabic words.

An ERP study of agreement features in Spanish.

The goal of the present study was to investigate whether two morphological agreement features, Person and Number, play a different role in the agreement process. According to the Feature Hierarchy hypothesis, different nominal agreement features have different degrees of cognitive strength (e.g., Person>Number). Event-related potentials (ERPs) were collected from Spanish speakers while they read sentences in which either Person Disagreement (PD; e.g., Tú salto en el patio [You (2ndPerSing) jump (1stPerSing) in the backyard]), Number Disagreement (ND; e.g., Nosotros salto en el patio [We (1stPerPl) jump (1stPerSing) in the backyard]) or both Person and Number Disagreement (NPD; e.g., Ustedes salto en el patio [You (2ndPerPl) jump (1stPerSing) in the backyard]) relationships were manipulated. ND, PD and NPD all elicited an anterior negativity (AN) and P600 pattern. An AN effect was only found in the NPD with a different topography from the classic LAN effect as it was lateralized to right and central sites. The P600 effect elicited by the NPD condition was larger than the agreement condition and that of ND and PD in the first window 500-700, while the three disagreement conditions elicited larger P600 amplitudes than the agreement condition in the second window 700-900. There were no differences between the processing of person and number. Thus, the combination of number and person disagreement could be solved in parallel through an additive mechanism of the two features. These results do not support the Feature Hierarchy hypothesis.