Political change as group-based control: Threat to personal control reduces the support for traditional political parties.

People desire agentic representations of their personal and collective selves, such as their own nation. When national agency is put into question, this should increase their inclination to restore it, particularly when they simultaneously lack perceptions of personal control. In this article, we test this hypothesis of group-based control in the context of political elections occurring during socio-economic crises. We propose that people who are reminded of low (vs. high) personal control will have an increased tendency to reject traditional political parties that stand for the maintenance of a non-agentic political system. We experimentally manipulated the salience of low vs. high personal control in five studies and measured participants' intentions to support traditional and new political parties. Across four of five studies, in line with the predictions, low personal control reduced support for the main traditional conservative party (e.g., Partido Popular (PP) in Spain, the Republicans in France). These results appeared in contexts of national economic and/or political crisis, and were most pronounced when low (vs. high) national agency was made salient in Studies 4 and 5. The findings support the notion that rejecting the stability of the national political system can serve as a means to maintain a sense of control through the collective self.

Análisis de los sistemas de salud como sistemas políticos / Analysis of health systems as political systems

La literatura técnica suele presentar los Sistemas de Salud (SS) como conjuntos de recursos médicos destinados a atender enfermedades. Un análisis más amplio del tema permite caracterizar los SS como la expresión de sistemas políticos que surgen y cambian en contextos históricos diferentes, al impulso de las condiciones e intereses predominantes. Los sistemas políticos son los mismos sistemas sociales cuando los valoramos desde la perspectiva de las relaciones de poder que se establecen entre sus integrantes. Desde esta perspectiva los SS, sus agentes, discursos y dispositivos, se revelan como componentes de sistemas políticos que determinan, bajo las apariencias el tipo de gestión que se aplica a la comprensión y cuidado de la salud, y configuran "modelos de respuesta social". Este documento, describe los SS como sistemas políticos, con base en las características de la respuesta social preponderante. Se describen cinco tipologías que pueden coexistir tanto de forma sinérgica como contradictoria reflejando las condiciones e intereses predominantes en el grupo: sistemas populares, de beneficencia, de seguridad social, estatales, y privados. Al final se propone que el análisis de los aspectos formales y técnicos es por sí mismo insuficiente para explicar e intervenir la dinámica de los SS.

Technical literature usually presents Health Systems (HS) as sets of medical resources aimed at treating diseases. A broader analysis of the subject allows us to characterize HS as the expression of political systems, which arise and change in different historical contexts, driven by prevailing conditions and interests. Political systems are the same social systems when we value them from the perspective of the power relations established among their members. From this perspective, HS, their agents, discourses, and devices, are revealed as components of political systems that determine, under appearances, the type of management that people applied to understand and care for their health, and configure "models of social response." In this document, the analysis of HS is based on the characteristics of the prevailing social response. We describe five typologies that can coexist, both synergistically and contradictory, reflecting the prevailing conditions and interests in the group: popular, charity, social security, state, and private systems. In the end, it is proposed that the analysis of the formal and technical aspects is by itself insufficient to explain HS and intervene in their dynamics

Confronting health inequalities: impasses and dilemmas in the regionalization process in Brazil. / Enfrentando desigualdades na saúde: impasses e dilemas do processo de regionalização no Brasil.

The article aims to describe the renewed role of regional policies in territorial reconfigurations in the recent and predominantly neoliberal phase of globalization. It further aims to identify some of the impasses that such transformations produce with their multiple scales and dimensions for strengthening public policies focused on confronting health inequalities in Brazil. The article's discussion begins with a brief review of the characteristics of current territorial reconfigurations in a world in constant transformation, but oriented by neoliberal policy in its multiple dimensions. The article then discusses the changes in local management formats in developed countries. The authors go on to analyze territorial changes in Brazil in recent years, after which the debate addresses the reform agenda in health regionalization and the political cycles in the organization of the Brazilian Unified National Health System (SUS). Finally, the article systematizes some of the impasses in regionalization policy, based on recent studies in which the unit of analysis was Brazilian health regions in the country's different major geographic regions. The issues identified in the article, also emphasized in the specialized literature, show that the region/networks dyad has not been fully strengthened during the regionalization process in Brazil. A key task for the public policy of regionalization of health in Brazil should be to continue to push forward with the reform agenda in order to mobilize the territory's diversity and the directive coordination of strategic national policy.

Este trabalho busca retratar o renovado papel das políticas regionais frente aos processos de reconfigurações territoriais na fase recente da globalização - predominantemente neoliberal. Objetiva, ainda, identificar alguns dos impasses que tais transformações - em suas múltiplas escalas e dimensões - trazem para o fortalecimento das políticas públicas voltadas para o enfrentamento das desigualdades em saúde no Brasil. Para alcançar essa discussão, o artigo traz, inicialmente, uma breve resenha dos traços característicos das reconfigurações territoriais atuais em um mundo em constante transformação, porém, orientado pela política neoliberal em suas múltiplas dimensões. Em seguida, discute as alterações nas formas de gestão local, ocorridas em países desenvolvidos. Mais à frente, o texto aponta mudanças territoriais no Brasil em anos recentes e, logo após, o debate se volta à agenda de reforma da regionalização da saúde e aos ciclos políticos de organização do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Por fim, são sistematizados alguns dos impasses da política de regionalização, com base em pesquisas recentes que tiveram como unidade de análise regiões de saúde brasileiras em diferentes macrorregiões do território nacional. Das questões encontradas, também fortalecidas pela literatura dedicada ao tema, observou-se que o par região e redes não teve seu fortalecimento amadurecido durante o processo de regionalização no Brasil. Continuar avançando em uma agenda de reformas - de modo a acionar a potência da diversidade do território e a coordenação diretiva da política nacional estratégica - deve ser tarefa da política pública de regionalização da saúde no Brasil.

Este trabajo busca retratar el renovado papel de las políticas regionales frente a los procesos de reconfiguraciones territoriales en fase reciente de globalización -predominantemente neoliberal. Tiene como meta, además, identificar algunos de los impasses que tales transformaciones -en sus múltiples escalas y dimensiones- conllevan para el fortalecimiento de las políticas públicas, dirigidas a la lucha contra las desigualdades en salud en Brasil. Para llegar a esta problemática, el artículo plantea, inicialmente, una breve reseña con los trazos característicos de las reconfiguraciones territoriales actuales en un mundo en constante transformación, no obstante, orientado por la política neoliberal en sus múltiples dimensiones. En seguida, discute las alteraciones en las formas de gestión local, que se han producido en países desarrollados. Más adelante, el texto apunta cambios territoriales en Brasil en años recientes y, después, el debate se dirige hacia la agenda de reforma de la regionalización de la salud y a los ciclos políticos de organización del Sistema Único de Salud (SUS). Por fin, se sistematizan algunos de los impasses de la política de regionalización, en base a investigaciones recientes que tuvieron como unidad de análisis regiones de salud brasileñas, en diferentes macrorregiones del territorio nacional. Entre las cuestiones halladas, también reforzadas por la literatura dedicada al tema, se observó que el tándem región y redes no llegó a madurar en su fortalecimiento durante el proceso de regionalización en Brasil. Continuar avanzando en una agenda de reformas -de forma que se active la fuerza de la diversidad del territorio y la coordinación a nivel directivo de la política nacional estratégica- deben ser tareas de la política pública de regionalización de la salud en Brasil.

Enfrentando desigualdades na saúde: impasses e dilemas do processo de regionalização no Brasil / Enfrentándose a las desigualdades en salud: impasses y dilemas del proceso de regionalización en Brasil / Confronting health inequalities: impasses and dilemmas in the regionalization process in Brazil

Resumo: Este trabalho busca retratar o renovado papel das políticas regionais frente aos processos de reconfigurações territoriais na fase recente da globalização - predominantemente neoliberal. Objetiva, ainda, identificar alguns dos impasses que tais transformações - em suas múltiplas escalas e dimensões - trazem para o fortalecimento das políticas públicas voltadas para o enfrentamento das desigualdades em saúde no Brasil. Para alcançar essa discussão, o artigo traz, inicialmente, uma breve resenha dos traços característicos das reconfigurações territoriais atuais em um mundo em constante transformação, porém, orientado pela política neoliberal em suas múltiplas dimensões. Em seguida, discute as alterações nas formas de gestão local, ocorridas em países desenvolvidos. Mais à frente, o texto aponta mudanças territoriais no Brasil em anos recentes e, logo após, o debate se volta à agenda de reforma da regionalização da saúde e aos ciclos políticos de organização do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Por fim, são sistematizados alguns dos impasses da política de regionalização, com base em pesquisas recentes que tiveram como unidade de análise regiões de saúde brasileiras em diferentes macrorregiões do território nacional. Das questões encontradas, também fortalecidas pela literatura dedicada ao tema, observou-se que o par região e redes não teve seu fortalecimento amadurecido durante o processo de regionalização no Brasil. Continuar avançando em uma agenda de reformas - de modo a acionar a potência da diversidade do território e a coordenação diretiva da política nacional estratégica - deve ser tarefa da política pública de regionalização da saúde no Brasil.

Resumen: Este trabajo busca retratar el renovado papel de las políticas regionales frente a los procesos de reconfiguraciones territoriales en fase reciente de globalización -predominantemente neoliberal. Tiene como meta, además, identificar algunos de los impasses que tales transformaciones -en sus múltiples escalas y dimensiones- conllevan para el fortalecimiento de las políticas públicas, dirigidas a la lucha contra las desigualdades en salud en Brasil. Para llegar a esta problemática, el artículo plantea, inicialmente, una breve reseña con los trazos característicos de las reconfiguraciones territoriales actuales en un mundo en constante transformación, no obstante, orientado por la política neoliberal en sus múltiples dimensiones. En seguida, discute las alteraciones en las formas de gestión local, que se han producido en países desarrollados. Más adelante, el texto apunta cambios territoriales en Brasil en años recientes y, después, el debate se dirige hacia la agenda de reforma de la regionalización de la salud y a los ciclos políticos de organización del Sistema Único de Salud (SUS). Por fin, se sistematizan algunos de los impasses de la política de regionalización, en base a investigaciones recientes que tuvieron como unidad de análisis regiones de salud brasileñas, en diferentes macrorregiones del territorio nacional. Entre las cuestiones halladas, también reforzadas por la literatura dedicada al tema, se observó que el tándem región y redes no llegó a madurar en su fortalecimiento durante el proceso de regionalización en Brasil. Continuar avanzando en una agenda de reformas -de forma que se active la fuerza de la diversidad del territorio y la coordinación a nivel directivo de la política nacional estratégica- deben ser tareas de la política pública de regionalización de la salud en Brasil.

Abstract: The article aims to describe the renewed role of regional policies in territorial reconfigurations in the recent and predominantly neoliberal phase of globalization. It further aims to identify some of the impasses that such transformations produce with their multiple scales and dimensions for strengthening public policies focused on confronting health inequalities in Brazil. The article's discussion begins with a brief review of the characteristics of current territorial reconfigurations in a world in constant transformation, but oriented by neoliberal policy in its multiple dimensions. The article then discusses the changes in local management formats in developed countries. The authors go on to analyze territorial changes in Brazil in recent years, after which the debate addresses the reform agenda in health regionalization and the political cycles in the organization of the Brazilian Unified National Health System (SUS). Finally, the article systematizes some of the impasses in regionalization policy, based on recent studies in which the unit of analysis was Brazilian health regions in the country's different major geographic regions. The issues identified in the article, also emphasized in the specialized literature, show that the region/networks dyad has not been fully strengthened during the regionalization process in Brazil. A key task for the public policy of regionalization of health in Brazil should be to continue to push forward with the reform agenda in order to mobilize the territory's diversity and the directive coordination of strategic national policy.

(Not) getting political: indigenous women and preventing mother-to-child transmission of HIV in West Papua.

This paper builds on critiques that call for a more nuanced and contextualised understanding of conditions that affect HIV prevention by looking at West Papuan women's experiences of prevention of mother-to-child transmission services. Drawing on qualitative, ethnographic research with indigenous women and health workers, the paper demonstrates that women experience poor-quality HIV education and counselling, and that indigenous practices and concerns are largely not addressed by HIV services. We attribute this to a combination of national anti-indigenous and anti-separatist political concerns with donor-led interventions that result in limited localisation and reduced effectiveness of HIV prevention measures. In West Papua, services are needed that enhance cooperation and shared commitment, and that acknowledge and work to overcome existing inequalities, ethnic tensions and discrimination in the health system. Beyond Indonesia, donor-led HIV programmes and interventions need to balance avoidance of politically sensitive issues with complicity in perpetuating health inequalities. Translating global health interventions and donor priorities into locally compelling HIV prevention activities involves more than navigating local cultural and religious beliefs. Programme development and implementation strategies that entail confronting structural questions as well as social hierarchies, cleavages and silences are needed to render more effective services; strategies that are inherently political.

[Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker - supporter of the concept of the East German movement in favor of self-organization during the political turning point 1989/90]. / Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker--Unterstützer für Konzepte der ost-deutschen Bürgerbewegung pro Selbstorganisation in der "Wende" 1989/90.

The luminosity of Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker's holistic thinking in the former German Democratic Republic (DDR) is reviewed. Broad-minded academics sought, in accordance with the modern paradigm of self-organization, beyond the ideological template for ways out of the dead end of incrustations of society and innovation blockages under the constraints of a dictatorship. Right after the fall of the wall, Weizsäcker willingly backed a "community of free researchers for self-organization" (Freie Forschungsgemeinschaft Selbstorganisation, FFGSO). This group, conceived as a nonpartisan "think tank" of civil activism, is also discussed. At a number of its meetings Weizsäcker debated the dangers of ideologically influenced science. The effectiveness of the dual leadership at his own Starnberg Institute, for instance, was stymied by the tensions arisen out of such conflicting aims. Against the voluntaristic anticipations of the mainstream in sociology, precisely that system proved to be more viable that was meant to be overcome: faulty and purportedly futureless capitalism. Weizsäcker repudiated social prognoses made in the absence of rules for their falsification resp. verification. Weizsäcker acted as a leading figure at the FFGSO's Potsdam conference, opened on 30 Mar. 1990, on the "DDR--and afterwards?". Its intention was in order to trigger a nationwide discussion of scientific scenarios in designing German unification in the face of gross practical disparities between East and West Germany. The Trust Agency inspired by the FFGSO at the Round Table between opposition and old government was supposed to transfer the national public property "Volkseigentum" of the DDR into private property of the East German citizens, to enable them to realize a role as subject through self-organization. At the group's request, Weizsäcker mediated the readiness by the Lutheran World Federation to assume the role of ombudsman in anticipation of conflicts of interest within the Trust Agency in processing the total assets of an entire country. Weizsäcker also opened contacts with competent earlier fellows from his Starnberg institute on practical cooperative projects at the beginning of the 1990s.

Prehistoric deforestation at Chaco Canyon?

Ancient societies are often used to illustrate the potential problems stemming from unsustainable land-use practices because the past seems rife with examples of sociopolitical "collapse" associated with the exhaustion of finite resources. Just as frequently, and typically in response to such presentations, archaeologists and other specialists caution against seeking simple cause-and effect-relationships in the complex data that comprise the archaeological record. In this study we examine the famous case of Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, during the Bonito Phase (ca. AD 860-1140), which has become a prominent popular illustration of ecological and social catastrophe attributed to deforestation. We conclude that there is no substantive evidence for deforestation at Chaco and no obvious indications that the depopulation of the canyon in the 13th century was caused by any specific cultural practices or natural events. Clearly there was a reason why these farming people eventually moved elsewhere, but the archaeological record has not yet produced compelling empirical evidence for what that reason might have been. Until such evidence appears, the legacy of Ancestral Pueblo society in Chaco should not be used as a cautionary story about socioeconomic failures in the modern world.

[The economic-industrial health care complex and the social and economic dimension of development]. / O complexo econômico-industrial da saúde e a dimensão social e econômica do desenvolvimento.

The strategic role of health care in the national development agenda has been increasingly recognized and institutionalized. In addition to its importance as a structuring element of the Social Welfare State, health care plays a leading role in the generation of innovation - an essential element for competitiveness in knowledge society. However, health care's productive basis is still fragile, and this negatively affects both the universal provision of health care services and Brazil's competitive inclusion in the globalized environment. This situation suggests the need of a more systematic analysis of the complex relationships among productive, technological and social interests in the scope of health care. Consequently, it is necessary to produce further knowledge about the Economic-Industrial Health Care Complex due to its potential for contributing to a socially inclusive development model. This means reversing the hierarchy between economic and social interests in the sanitary field, thus minimizing the vulnerability of the Brazilian health care policy.

O complexo econômico-industrial da saúde e a dimensão social e econômica do desenvolvimento / The economic-industrial health care complex and the social and economic dimension of development

O papel estratégico da saúde na agenda de desenvolvimento nacional tem sido crescentemente reconhecido e institucionalizado. Além de sua importância como elemento estruturante do Estado de Bem-Estar Social, a saúde é protagonista na geração de inovação - elemento essencial para a competitividade na sociedade do conhecimento. Contudo, a base produtiva da saúde ainda é frágil, o que prejudica tanto a prestação universal de serviços em saúde quanto uma inserção competitiva nacional em ambiente globalizado. Essa situação sugere a necessidade de uma análise mais sistemática das complexas relações entre os interesses produtivos, tecnológicos e sociais no âmbito da saúde. Consequentemente, é necessário aprofundar o conhecimento sobre o Complexo Econômico-Industrial da Saúde devido ao seu potencial de contribuir para um modelo de desenvolvimento socialmente inclusivo. Isso significa reverter a hierarquia entre os interesses econômicos e os sociais no campo sanitário, e assim minimizar a vulnerabilidade da política de saúde brasileira.

The strategic role of health care in the national development agenda has been increasingly recognized and institutionalized. In addition to its importance as a structuring element of the Social Welfare State, health care plays a leading role in the generation of innovation - an essential element for competitiveness in knowledge society. However, health care's productive basis is still fragile, and this negatively affects both the universal provision of health care services and Brazil's competitive inclusion in the globalized environment. This situation suggests the need of a more systematic analysis of the complex relationships among productive, technological and social interests in the scope of health care. Consequently, it is necessary to produce further knowledge about the Economic-Industrial Health Care Complex due to its potential for contributing to a socially inclusive development model. This means reversing the hierarchy between economic and social interests in the sanitary field, thus minimizing the vulnerability of the Brazilian health care policy.

Development and disintegration of Maya political systems in response to climate change.

The role of climate change in the development and demise of Classic Maya civilization (300 to 1000 C.E.) remains controversial because of the absence of well-dated climate and archaeological sequences. We present a precisely dated subannual climate record for the past 2000 years from Yok Balum Cave, Belize. From comparison of this record with historical events compiled from well-dated stone monuments, we propose that anomalously high rainfall favored unprecedented population expansion and the proliferation of political centers between 440 and 660 C.E. This was followed by a drying trend between 660 and 1000 C.E. that triggered the balkanization of polities, increased warfare, and the asynchronous disintegration of polities, followed by population collapse in the context of an extended drought between 1020 and 1100 C.E.

"Poppies are democracy!" A critical geopolitics of opium eradication and reintroduction in Turkey.

Historical scholarship in traditional geopolitics often relied on documents authored by states and by other influential actors. Although much work in the subfield of critical geopolitics thus far has addressed imbalances constructed in official, academic, and popular media due to a privileging of such narratives, priority might also be given to unearthing and bringing to light alternative geopolitical perspectives from otherwise marginalized populations. Utilizing the early-1970s case of the United States' first "war on drugs," this article examines the geopolitics of opium-poppy eradication and its consequences within Turkey. Employing not only archival and secondary sources but also oral histories from now-retired poppy farmers, this study examines the diffusion of U.S. antinarcotics policies into the Anatolian countryside and the enduring impressions that the United States and Turkish government created. In doing so, this research gives voice to those farmers targeted by eradication policies and speaks more broadly to matters of narcotics control, sentiments of anti-Americanism, and notions of democracy in Turkey and the region, past and present.

The family as the foundation of political rule in western philosophy: a comparative analysis of Aristotle's politics and Hegel's philosophy of right.

For both Aristotle and Hegel, the family is the foundation in which the universalized rule of law is validated according to the political structure of the 'Polis' or 'State' itself. This composite whole or structure of society (Ancient Polis/Modern State) is the political end of humanity for both philosophers, which in turn finds its primordial beginning in the family. For Aristotle, it is in the kingly rule of the household that the property-based distinction of citizenship is set for the rule of his ideal Polis. For Hegel, it is in the love affirmed through caring affection within the nuclear family that the dialectical framework for the freedom of civil society, and the rational unity of a congregational 'spirit' in the State, finds its foundation. For both thinkers, the family sets the base for a political theory that defines citizenship in a manner that transcends the particularities of kin bonds.

Images of welfare in law and society: the British welfare state in comparative perspective.

Designed by Beveridge and built by Attlee's post-war Labour government, the welfare state was created during the 1940s. Britain has been seen ­ in domestic debates and internationally ­ as a world first: the place where both the idea and the practice of the welfare state were invented. I draw together comparative welfare state analysis with law and society scholarship (previously largely developed in isolation from one another) ­ as well as using British political cartoons as a source ­ to develop a revisionist historical critique of this conventional wisdom. First, the British welfare state has always been comparatively parsimonious. Second, the idea of the welfare state seems to have its origins outside the United Kingdom and this terminology was adopted relatively late and with some ambivalence in public debate and scholarly analysis. Third, a large body of socio-legal scholarship shows that robust 'welfare rights' were never embedded in the British 'welfare state'.

The two worlds of race revisited: a meditation on race in the age of Obama.

Nearly fifty years ago, the American Academy organized a conference and two issues of its journal "Daedalus" on the topic of "The Negro American." The project engaged top intellectuals and policy-makers around the conflicts and limitations of mid-1960s liberalism in dealing with race. Specifically, they grappled with the persistent question of how to integrate a forced-worker population that had been needed but that was socially undesirable once its original purpose no longer existed. Today, racism has been discredited as an idea and legally sanctioned segregation belongs to the past, yet the question the conference participants explored -- in essence, how to make the unwanted wanted -- still remains. Recent political developments and anticipated demographic shifts, however, have recast the terms of the debate. Gerald Early, guest editor for the present volume, uses Barack Obama's election to the presidency as a pretext for returning to the central question of "The Negro American" project and, in turn, asking how white liberalism will fare in the context of a growing minority population in the United States. Placing his observations alongside those made by John Hope Franklin in 1965, Early positions his essay, and this issue overall, as a meditation on how far we have come in America to reach "the age of Obama" and at the same time how far we have to go before we can overcome "the two worlds of race."

Contested visions of American democracy: citizenship, public housing, and the international arena.

This essay reexamines the history of public housing and the controversy it generated from the Great Depression to the Cold War. By recasting that history in the global arena, it demonstrates that the debate over public housing versus homeownership was also a debate over the meaning of American citizenship and democracy, pointing up starkly divergent notions about what was and was not American. Through an examination of national conflicts and neglected local struggles, this article further shows that the fight over public housing was far more meaningful and volatile than traditionally assumed. Both critics and advocates of public housing drew from international experiences and imagery in positioning the home as a constitutive feature of citizenship in American democracy. Fears of Bolshevism, fascism, and communism served to internationalize issues of race, space, and housing and together shaped the decision of whether a decent home was an American right or privilege.

Political Systems and the Perspective on Nursing Education during the Spanish Transition (from the Franco Regime to Democracy). A Contribution Based on Nursing History / Sistemas políticos y perspectiva de la educación de enfermería en la transición española (del franquismo a la democracia). Una contribución desde la historia de la enfermería / Sistemas políticos e perspectiva de ensino da enfermagem na transição espanhola (do regime de Franco à democracia). Uma contribuição da história da enfermagem

The aim of this study is to describe the changes in nursing education during the process prior to and after the establishment of democracy in Spain. It begins with the hypothesis that differences in social and political organization influenced the way the system of nursing education evolved, keeping it in line with neopositivistic schemes and exclusively technical approaches up until the advent of democracy. The evolution of a specific profile for nursing within the educational system has been shaped by the relationship between the systems of social and political organization in Spain. To examine the insertion of subjects such as the anthropology of healthcare into education programs for Spanish nursing, one must consider the cultural, intercultural and transcultural factors that are key to understanding the changes in nursing education that allowed for the adoption of a holistic approach in the curricula.Until the arrival of democracy in 1977, Spanish nursing education was solely technical in nature and the role of nurses was limited to the tasks and procedures defined by the bureaucratic thinking characteristic of the rational-technological paradigm. Consequently, during the long period prior to democracy, nursing in Spain was under the influence of neopositivistic and technical thinking, which had its effect on educational curricula. The addition of humanities and anthropology to the curricula, which facilitated a holistic approach, occurred once nursing became a field of study at the university level in 1977, a period that coincided with the beginnings of democracy in Spain.

El objetivo del estudio consiste en describir los cambios que afectan a enfermería dentro del sistema educativo durante el proceso previo y posterior al establecimiento de la democracia en España. Se parte de la siguiente hipótesis: las diferencias en la organización social y política influenciaron la evolución de la enfermería española manteniéndola dentro de los esquemas del neopositivismo y los enfoques exclusivamente técnicos hasta la llegada de la democracia. La relación entre los sistemas de organización social y política en España ha determinado la evolución de un perfil específico de enfermería en el sistema educativo. Para comprender la integración de asignaturas como la antropología del los cuidados en los programas educativos de la enfermería española hay que se considerar los factores culturales, interculturales y transculturales que constituyen las claves para el entendimiento de los cambios en la educación enfermera haciendo posible la adopción de una perspectiva holística en los currículos. Hasta la llegada del sistema democrático en 1977, la educación en la Enfermería española fue solamente de naturaleza técnica y los roles de las enfermeras se limitaban al cumplimiento de tareas y procedimientos definidos por el pensamiento burocrático característico del paradigma racional tecnológico. Conclusiones: Durante el largo período predemocrático la enfermería española estuvo bajo la influencia del pensamiento neopositivista y técnico, lo cual se plasmaba en los currículos educativos. La integración en los currículos de materias humanísticas y antropológicas que facilitaban el enfoque holístico se produjo tras la integración de la enfermería en la Universidad en 1977 coincidiendo con los inicios de la democracia en España.

Objetivo: descrever as mudanças que afetam a enfermagem no sistema de ensino durante o período pré e pós-estabelecimento da democracia na Espanha. A hipótese de partida é: as diferenças na organização social e política influenciaram a evolução da enfermagem espanhola mantendo-a dentro do positivismo e das abordagens puramente técnicas até a chegada da democracia. A relação entre os sistemas de organização social e política em Espanha determinou o desenvolvimento de um perfil específico da enfermagem no sistema de ensino. Para compreender a integração de disciplinas como a antropologia do cuidado nos programas de educação da enfermagem espanhola é necessário considerar factores culturais, interculturaisl e transculturais fundamentais para a compreensão das mudanças no ensino de enfermagem. Isso permites a adoção de uma perspectiva holística nos currículos. Até o advento da democracia em 1977, o ensino da enfermagem na Espanha era apenas de natureza técnica e os papéis dos enfermeiros eram limitados ao cumprimento de tarefas e procedimentos definidos pelo pensamento burocrático característico do paradigma racional da tecnologia. Conclusões: durante o longo período pré-democrático, a enfermagem espanhola esteve sob a influência do pensamento técnico neo-positivista, que foi incorporado nos currículos educacionais. A integração de matérias humanísticas e antropológicas no currículo, que facilitou a abordagem holística, chegou depois a integração da enfermagem na universidade em 1977, o qual coincide com o início da democracia em Espanha.

Towards a holistic review of Pan-Africanism: linking the idea and the movement.

This article explores two general approaches to defining Pan-Africanism. Traditional Pan-Africanism reflects definitions of Pan-Africanism that begin with the assumption that distinctions must be made between early "ideas" of group identification with Africa versus modern organizational activities. However, holistic approaches emphasize the interconnectivity of Pan-African ideas and concrete activities. This discussion explores these approaches and their implications for contemporary analyses of Pan-Africanism. The essay concludes that the holistic line is best suited for developing a new model in Pan-Africanism.

[Reform of public health in Central Europe during the 18th century]. / Közép-Európa egészségügyi reformja a 18. században.

Author outlines the history of making and of development of public health during the period of enlightenment in Central Europe, with special regards on the Habsurg Empire, on Poland and on Russia. This development--including the foundation or reforms of medical education--was highly influenced by the ideas of the enlightened absolutism and by other international trends of the age as well. The detailed analysis of the factors shaping the history of public health in the three rather different countries shows an interesing parallelism regarding main issues. While re-organization of public health in all these countries was initiated and directed by the government and shaped according to western models, it was strongly influenced by local possibilities, culture and history.

How four different political systems have shaped the modernization of traditional Korean medicine between 1900 and 1960.

In this paper, I examine the modern formation of traditional Korean medicine and discuss the characteristics of the modernization, or modernity, of the medicine. I probe for answers to three questions: first, prior to the twentieth century, what were the main factors that traditional Korean medicine needed to be transformed into a new one? Second, how did four states, the Taehan Empire, colonial Korea, North Korea, and South Korea, treat traditional medicine differently, and why? Third, what are the main characteristics of the modernization of traditional Korean medicine? In examining these questions, I found the following four factors to be important in shaping the modern formation of traditional Korean medicine during the twentieth century: first, the influences of Western science and institutions; second, the rise of nationalism; third, the economics of the state; and fourth, the effectiveness of traditional medicine. Among them, the introduction of Western science and institutions was the most important factor. All the different states in modern Korea realized that Western science and institutions were indispensable for the country to be a powerful nation and to enhance people's welfare. The degree of confidentiality in scientific Western medicine determined the number of traditional medical practitioners and their professional status. The modernization also was greatly affected by modern nationalism, which clashed with Westernization. Many Koreans and the Korean governments regarded the traditional medicine as something culturally valuable to protect from Western culture. Especially, the majority of Koreans who had experienced the cruelty of the Japanese rule under colonization tended to believe that Japan, a foreign ruler, had suppressed traditional Korean medicine as a liquidation policy of Korean culture during the colonial period. This belief contributed greatly to the recovery of the traditional doctors' prestige in South Korea and North Korea after independence. The economic conditions of the country also had an enormous effect on the quantity and quality of traditional medicine in the national medical care. Under poor economic practices, the traditional medicine never was isolated from medical care in the whole country, in spite of the pushing of the ideology of Western medicine. Particularly, since colonial Korea after the 1930s and North Korea after the 1980s were in very poor economic condition, traditional medicine played a more important role than at any other times. In South Korea, since the 1980s, has been making economic success in the course of industrialization toward an affluent society, traditional medicine is being treated as an alternative and complement to the weakness of Western medicine in the area of health improvement and treatment of chronic illness. The deep belief that traditional medicine had excellent effectiveness in this area resulted in this success. Like their ancestors, many Koreans in the twentieth century still had faith in traditional medicine. The traditional medical doctors in Korea succeeded in maintaining their own exclusive professional status, regardless of experiencing various state systems that had different attitudes toward traditional medicine. For the most part of the last one hundred years, Westernization dominated the modern formation of traditional Korean medicine. The modernization of traditional medicine, however, has been overcoming Westernization. Today active communication between Western medicine and traditional medicine is emerging. Western medical doctors, both in South and North Korea, have lessened their prejudiced views of traditional medicine and have more interest than before in the traditional medical treatments such as acupuncture.