Social inequalities in child development: the role of differential exposure and susceptibility to stressful family conditions.

BACKGROUND: Stressful family conditions may contribute to inequalities in child development because they are more common among disadvantaged groups (ie, differential exposure) and/or because their negative effects are stronger among disadvantaged groups (ie, differential impact/susceptibility). We used counterfactual mediation analysis to investigate to what extent stressful family conditions contribute to inequalities in child development via differential exposure and susceptibility. METHODS: We used data from the Generation R Study, a population-based birth cohort in the Netherlands (n=6842). Mother's education was used as the exposure. Developmental outcomes, measured at age 13 years, were emotional and behavioural problems (Youth Self-Report), cognitive development (Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children) and secondary education entry level. Financial and social stress at age 9 years were the putative mediators. RESULTS: Differential exposure to financial stress caused a 0.07 (95% CI -0.12 to -0.01) SD worse emotional and behavioural problem -score, a 0.05 (95% CI -0.08 to -0.02) SD lower intelligence score and a 0.05 (95% CI -0.05 to -0.01) SD lower secondary educational level, respectively, among children of less-educated mothers compared with children of more-educated mothers. This corresponds to a relative contribution of 54%, 9% and 6% of the total effect of mother's education on these outcomes, respectively. Estimates for differential exposure to social stress, and differential susceptibility to financial or social stress, were much less pronounced. CONCLUSION: Among children of less-educated mothers, higher exposure to financial stress in the family substantially contributes to inequalities in socioemotional development, but less so for cognitive development and educational attainment.

Moderators of an intervention on emotional and behavioural problems: household- and school-level parental education.

BACKGROUND: Children of lower-educated parents and children in schools with a relatively high percentage of peers with lower-educated parents (lower parental education schools) are more likely to develop emotional and behavioural problems compared to children in higher-educated households and schools. Universal school-based preventive interventions, such as the Good Behaviour Game (GBG), are generally effective in preventing the development of emotional and behavioural problems, but information about potential moderators is limited. This study examined whether the effectiveness of the GBG in preventing emotional and behavioural problems differs between children in lower- and higher-educated households and schools. METHODS: Using a longitudinal multi-level randomized controlled trial design, 731 children (Mage=6.02 towards the end of kindergarten) from 31 mainstream schools (intervention arm: 21 schools, 484 children; control arm: 10 schools, 247 children) were followed annually from kindergarten to second grade (2004-2006). The GBG was implemented in first and second grades. RESULTS: Overall, the GBG prevented the development of emotional and behavioural problems. However, for emotional problems, the GBG-effect was slightly more pronounced in higher parental education schools than in lower parental education schools (Bhigher parental education schools =-0.281, P <0.001; Blower parental education schools =-0.140, P = 0.016). No moderation by household-level parental education was found. CONCLUSIONS: Studies into universal school-based preventive interventions, and in particular the GBG, should consider and incorporate school-level factors when studying the effectiveness of such interventions. More attention should be directed towards factors that may influence universal prevention effectiveness, particularly in lower parental education schools.

Children's behavioral and emotional problems and peer relationships across elementary school: Associations with individual- and school-level parental education.

This study examined (a) whether growing up with lower-educated parents and attending lower parental education schools associated with children's problem development within the behavioral, emotional, and peer relationship domains; and (b) whether the association of lower individual-level parental education with children's development within these three domains depended upon school-level parental education. To this end, 698 children (Mage = 7.08 in first grade) from 31 mainstream elementary schools were annually followed from first grade to sixth grade. Problems within the behavioral domain included conduct problems, oppositional defiant problems, attention-deficit and hyperactivity problems, and aggression. Problems within the emotional domain included depression and anxiety symptoms. Problems within the peer relationship domain included physical victimization, relational victimization, and peer dislike. Results from multi-level latent growth models showed that, as compared to children of higher-educated parents, children of lower-educated parents generally had higher levels of problems within all three domains in first grade and exhibited a faster growth rate of problems within the behavioral domain from first to sixth grade. Furthermore, as compared to children attending higher parental education schools, children attending lower parental education schools generally had higher levels of problems within the behavioral and emotional domains in first grade and showed a faster growth rate of peer dislike over time. In addition, cross-level interaction analyses showed that in higher parental education schools, children of lower-educated parents showed a faster growth rate of depression symptom levels than children of higher-educated parents. In lower parental education schools, the growth rate of depression symptom levels did not differ between children of higher- and lower-educated parents. Results highlight that addressing the needs of lower parental education schools and children growing up with lower-educated parents may be of primary importance.

Trajectories of socioeconomic inequality in early child development: a cohort analysis.

BACKGROUND: Addressing socioeconomic inequalities in early child development (ECD) is key to reducing the intergenerational transmission of health inequalities. Yet, little is known about how socioeconomic inequalities in ECD develop over the course of childhood. Our study aimed to describe how inequalities in ECD by maternal education develop from infancy to middle childhood. METHODS: We used data from Generation R, a prospective population-based cohort study in The Netherlands. Language skills were measured at ages 1, 1.5, 2, 3, and 4 years, using the Minnesota Child Development Inventory. Socioemotional (i.e. internalizing and externalizing) problems were measured at ages 1.5, 3, 5 and 9 years using the Child Behavior Checklist. We estimated inequalities in language skills and socioemotional problems across the above-mentioned ages, using linear mixed models with standardized scores at each wave. We used maternal education as indicator of socioeconomic position. RESULTS: Children of less educated mothers had more reported internalizing (B = 0.72, 95%CI = 0.51;0.95) and externalizing (B = 0.25, 95%CI = 0.10;0.40) problems at age 1.5 years, but better (caregiver reported) language skills at 1 year (B = 0.50, 95%CI = 0.36;0.64) than children of high educated mothers. Inequalities in internalizing and externalizing problems decreased over time. Inequalities in language scores reversed at age 2, and by the time children were 4 years old, children of less educated mothers had substantially lower language skills than children of high educated mothers (B = -0.38, 95%CI = -0.61;-0.15). CONCLUSIONS: Trajectories of socioeconomic inequality in ECD differ by developmental domain: whereas inequalities in socioemotional development decreased over time, inequalities increased for language development. Children of less educated mothers are at a language disadvantage even before entering primary education, providing further evidence that early interventions are needed.