She made it with her friend: How social object history influences children's thinking about the value of digital objects.

Two studies examine how social object histories from collaborative experiences influenced North American children (N = 160, 5-10 years) thinking about the value of digital objects (48% male/51% female; 51% White/24% Black/11% Asian). With forced-choice judgments, Study 1 found (moderate-large effects) that children viewed digital and physical objects with social histories as more special than objects without such histories. On a 10-point scale, Study 2 found (large effects) that children rated digital objects with positive social histories as more special than objects with negative ones. Overall, the studies found that children's tendencies to use object history to understand object value extends into digital contexts. They also reveal how an unexplored kind of history-social history-affects judgments.

Children's evaluations of culturally diverse lunchbox foods.

Previous research indicates that children make ingroup-outgroup judgments based on notions of food conventionality and that ethnic minority children have been teased or bullied for bringing non-conventional foods to school. This series of three studies experimentally investigated U.S. school-age children's evaluations of culturally diverse lunchbox foods. Study 1 examined an online sample of children aged 5 to 12 years and their evaluations of foods from four cultures (mainstream American, Chinese, Indian, and Mexican) on the taste, smell, and messiness of the food, the appropriateness of bringing the food to school, and whether "cool kids" eat the food. Compared with the mainstream American lunchbox, children rated the Chinese, Indian, and Mexican lunchboxes as less tasty, more messy, and less likely that cool kids would bring those foods to school. In Studies 2 and 3, we examined children's behavioral choices in a hypothetical cafeteria. In both studies, we found that the match between children's own lunch preferences and what was displayed in the mainstream American lunchbox was the only predictor of children's choice to sit at the table with the American lunchbox. Individual variables (e.g., child age, food pickiness) and contextual variables (e.g., neighborhood diversity) did not predict children's table choices. This research highlights children's understanding of familiarity and conventionality of foods and the social consequences of their behavioral choices.

Can children report on their own picky eating? Similarities and differences with parent report.

Picky eating in childhood is associated with children's dietary outcomes and parental feeding experiences. The Child Eating Behavior Questionnaire (CEBQ) is a frequently-used parent-report survey that measures children's eating behaviors, including picky eating. Limited work has adapted the CEBQ into a child-friendly format to measure children's ability to report directly on their own picky eating behavior. We sought to extend previous research by adapting the Food Fussiness subscale of the CEBQ into a child self-report format and measuring parent-child resemblance in scores, with children as young as 3 years. Our final sample included 3- to 10-year-old children (n = 95) and their parents, who were assessed at a local children's museum. The internal consistency of parent-report on the CEBQ FF was α = 0.9 and child-report was α = 0.7, with parent scores predicting child scores when controlling for child age and child gender. The largest difference between parent and child scores on child picky eating (with parents reporting higher scores) was for 3- to 4-year-old children. Children are able to report on their own picky eating and with age their reports converge with those of their parents, highlighting the potential benefit of collecting picky eating scores from multiple informants (parent and child). We suggest future directions for the validation and extension of this measure.

Generic language in scientific communication.

Scientific communication poses a challenge: To clearly highlight key conclusions and implications while fully acknowledging the limitations of the evidence. Although these goals are in principle compatible, the goal of conveying complex and variable data may compete with reporting results in a digestible form that fits (increasingly) limited publication formats. As a result, authors' choices may favor clarity over complexity. For example, generic language (e.g., "Introverts and extraverts require different learning environments") may mislead by implying general, timeless conclusions while glossing over exceptions and variability. Using generic language is especially problematic if authors overgeneralize from small or unrepresentative samples (e.g., exclusively Western, middle-class). We present 4 studies examining the use and implications of generic language in psychology research articles. Study 1, a text analysis of 1,149 psychology articles published in 11 journals in 2015 and 2016, examined the use of generics in titles, research highlights, and abstracts. We found that generics were ubiquitously used to convey results (89% of articles included at least 1 generic), despite that most articles made no mention of sample demographics. Generics appeared more frequently in shorter units of the paper (i.e., highlights more than abstracts), and generics were not associated with sample size. Studies 2 to 4 (n = 1,578) found that readers judged results expressed with generic language to be more important and generalizable than findings expressed with nongeneric language. We highlight potential unintended consequences of language choice in scientific communication, as well as what these choices reveal about how scientists think about their data.

Does social modeling increase infants' willingness to accept unfamiliar foods?

Despite a rich knowledge base about infants' social learning and studies observing social referencing in other species in food contexts, we know surprisingly little about social learning about food among human infants. This gap in the literature is particularly surprising considering that feeding unfamiliar foods to infants is a very common experience as infants begin to eat solid foods. The present study examines whether parental social modeling influences infants' willingness to accept unfamiliar foods. In two Zoom sessions, parents will be asked to feed unfamiliar foods to their 6- to 24-month-old infants (different unfamiliar foods in each session). In both sessions, infants' food acceptance and rejection will be measured. In the first session, parents will be asked to do what they would typically do; spontaneous social modeling will be recorded. In the second session, parents will be instructed to model eating the unfamiliar food. We will examine associations between infants' willingness to eat unfamiliar foods, parent social modeling, and extant parent and infant characteristics.

Young children's ability to make predictions about novel illnesses.

Understanding disease transmission is a complex problem highlighted by the COVID-19 pandemic. These studies test whether 3- to 6-year-old children in the United States use information about social interactions to predict disease transmission. Before and during COVID-19, children predicted illness would spread through close interactions. Older children outperformed younger children with no associations between task performance and pandemic experience. Children did not predict that being hungry or tired would similarly spread through close interactions. Participants include 196 three- to six-year-olds (53% girls, 47% boys; 68% White, 9% Black, 7% Asian, 6% Hispanic or Latinx), with medium-sized effects (d = .6, η p 2  = .3). These findings suggest that thinking about social interaction supports young children's predictions about illness, with noted limitations regarding children's real-world avoidance of disease-spreading behaviors.

Social identity and contamination: Young children are more willing to eat native contaminated foods.

Ingesting dangerous substances can lead to illness, or even death, meaning that it is critical for humans to learn how to avoid potentially dangerous foods. However, young children are notoriously bad at choosing foods; they are willing to put nonfoods and disgust elicitors into their mouths. Because food choice is inherently social, we hypothesized that social learning and contamination might separately influence children's decisions about whether to eat or avoid a food. Here, we asked how children reason about foods that are contaminated by someone from within versus outside their culture. We presented 3- to 11-year-olds (N = 534) with videos of native and foreign speakers eating snacks. In Studies 1a and 1b, one speaker contaminated her food and the other did not, and we asked children (a) which food they would prefer to eat, (b) how germy each food was, and (c) which food would make them sick. Although children rated the contaminated food as germier regardless of whether it was contaminated by a foreign speaker (Study 1a) or by a native speaker (Study 1b), children were more likely to report that they would avoid eating foreign contaminated food compared with native contaminated food. In Study 2, we used a non-forced-choice method and found converging evidence that children attend to both culture and contamination when making food choices but that with age they place more weight on contamination status.

Developmental antecedents of cleansing effects: Evidence against domain-generality.

Lee and Schwarz propose grounded procedures of separation as a domain-general mechanism underlying cleansing effects. One strong test of domain generality is to investigate the ontogenetic origins of a process. Here, we argue that the developmental evidence provides weak support for a domain-general grounded procedures account. Instead, it is likely that distinct separation procedures develop uniquely for different content domains.

Children's implicit food cognition: Developing a food Implicit Association Test.

Assessing children's reasoning about food, including their health knowledge and their food preferences, is an important step toward understanding how health messages may influence children's food choices. However, in many studies, assessing children's reasoning relies on parent report or could be susceptible to social pressure from adults. To address these limitations, the present study describes the development of a food version of the Implicit Association Test (IAT). The IAT has been used to examine children's implicit stereotypes about social groups, yet few studies have used the IAT in other domains (such as food cognition). Four- to 12-year-olds (n = 123) completed the food IAT and an explicit card sort task, in which children assessed foods based on their perception of the food's healthfulness (healthy vs. unhealthy) and palatability (yummy vs. yucky). Surprisingly, children demonstrated positive implicit associations towards vegetables. This pattern may reflect children's health knowledge, given that the accuracy of children's healthfulness ratings in the card sort task positively predicted children's food IAT d-scores. Implications for both food cognition and the IAT are discussed.

Children judge others based on their food choices.

Individuals and cultures share some commonalities in food preferences, yet cuisines also differ widely across social groups. Eating is a highly social phenomenon; however, little is known about the judgments children make about other people's food choices. Do children view conventional food choices as normative and consequently negatively evaluate people who make unconventional food choices? In five experiments, 5-year-old children were shown people who ate conventional and unconventional foods, including typical food items paired in unconventional ways. In Experiment 1, children preferred conventional foods and conventional food eaters. Experiment 2 suggested a link between expectations of conventionality and native/foreign status; children in the United States thought that English speakers were relatively more likely to choose conventional foods than French speakers. Yet, children in Experiments 3 and 4 judged people who ate unconventional foods as negatively as they judged people who ate canonical disgust elicitors and nonfoods, even when considering people from a foreign culture. Children in Experiment 5 were more likely to assign conventional foods to cultural ingroup members than to cultural outgroup members; nonetheless, they thought that no one was likely to eat the nonconventional items. These results demonstrate that children make normative judgments about other people's food choices and negatively evaluate people across groups who deviate from conventional eating practices.

Children eat more food when they prepare it themselves.

Encouraging children to participate in food preparation is recommended by pediatric guidelines and has been included in public health interventions. However, little is known about whether the act of preparing a food specifically increases children's intake of that food, nor is it known whether this effect might differ for healthy and familiar unhealthy foods. The present study examines whether 5- to 7-year-old children eat more of a food they prepared themselves compared to the same food prepared by someone else. Children participated in a laboratory study in which they prepared either a salad or a dessert and then had the opportunity to eat the food they prepared and/or a nearly identical food prepared by someone else. We found that children ate more of a food they prepared themselves, but no significant difference was observed in children's ratings of each food. In addition to eating more healthy foods they prepared themselves, children ate more unhealthy foods they prepared themselves, including familiar and well-liked desserts. More specific recommendations are needed if the goal of involving children in food preparation is to promote health.

Mere social knowledge impacts children's consumption and categorization of foods.

How does social information affect the perception of taste early in life? Does mere knowledge of other people's food preferences impact children's own experience when eating? In Experiment 1, 5- and 6-year-old children consumed more of a food described as popular with other children than a food that was described as unpopular with other children, even though the two foods were identical. In Experiment 2, children ate more of a food described as popular with children than a food described as popular with adults. Experiment 3 tested whether different perceptual experiences of otherwise identical foods contributed to the mechanisms underlying children's consumption. After sampling both endpoints of a sweet-to-sour range (applesauce with 0 mL or 5mL of lemon juice added), children were asked to taste and categorize applesauce samples with varying amounts of lemon juice added. When classifying ambiguous samples that were near the midpoint of the range (2 mL and 3 mL), children were more likely to categorize popular foods as sweet as compared to unpopular foods. Together, these findings provide evidence that social information plays a powerful role in guiding children's consumption and perception of foods. Broader links to the sociality of food selection are discussed.

"American = English Speaker" Before "American = White": The Development of Children's Reasoning About Nationality.

Adults implicitly judge people from certain social backgrounds as more "American" than others. This study tests the development of children's reasoning about nationality and social categories. Children across cultures (White and Korean American children in the United States, Korean children in South Korea) judged the nationality of individuals varying in race and language. Across cultures, 5- to 6-year-old children (N = 100) categorized English speakers as "American" and Korean speakers as "Korean" regardless of race, suggesting that young children prioritize language over race when thinking about nationality. Nine- and 10-year-olds (N = 181) attended to language and race and their nationality judgments varied across cultures. These results suggest that associations between nationality and social category membership emerge early in life and are shaped by cultural context.

Selective eating behaviors in children: An observational validation of parental report measures.

Selective eating in children is commonly measured by parental report questionnaires, yet it is unknown if parents accurately estimate their child's selective eating behavior. The objectives of this study were to test the validity and stability of two measures of selective eating using observed child behavior. Low-income mother-child dyads participated in a videotaped laboratory eating protocol at two time points (baseline: mean child age = 5.9 years; follow-up: mean child age = 8.6 years), during which they were presented with a familiar and an unfamiliar vegetable. Videos were reliably coded for child selective eating behaviors: amount consumed, child hedonic rating of vegetables, child compliance with maternal prompts to eat, latency to first bite, number of bites, and negative utterances. Mothers completed the Child Eating Behavior Questionnaire Food Fussiness (CEBQ FF) scale and the Food Neophobia Scale (FNS) at both time points. Questionnaire validity, stability of measured behaviors, and discriminant validity of questionnaires were examined in the full sample. CEBQ FF scores and FNS scores were both inversely correlated with the quantity consumed, child hedonic rating, and compliance with prompts to eat for both familiar and unfamiliar vegetables at baseline and at follow up. CEBQ FF and FNS scores were inversely correlated with number of bites (for both foods), positively correlated with latency to first bite (for both foods), and inversely correlated with child negative utterances (for the familiar food only). Notably, FNS scores correlated with observed behavior for both familiar and unfamiliar foods, rather than demonstrating a specific association with unfamiliar foods only. This study supports the validity of the CEBQ FF and FNS in low-income early school-aged children.

An investigation of maternal food intake and maternal food talk as predictors of child food intake.

Though parental modeling is thought to play a critical role in promoting children's healthy eating, little research has examined maternal food intake and maternal food talk as independent predictors of children's food intake. The present study examines maternal food talk during a structured eating protocol, in which mothers and their children had the opportunity to eat a series of familiar and unfamiliar vegetables and desserts. Several aspects of maternal talk during the protocol were coded, including overall food talk, directives, pronoun use, and questions. This study analyzed the predictors of maternal food talk and whether maternal food talk and maternal food intake predicted children's food intake during the protocol. Higher maternal body mass index (BMI) predicted lower amounts of food talk, pronoun use, and questions. Higher child BMI z-scores predicted more first person pronouns and more wh-questions within maternal food talk. Mothers of older children used fewer directives, fewer second person pronouns, and fewer yes/no questions. However, maternal food talk (overall and specific types of food talk) did not predict children's food intake. Instead, the most robust predictor of children's food intake during this protocol was the amount of food that mothers ate while sitting with their children. These findings emphasize the importance of modeling healthy eating through action and have implications for designing interventions to provide parents with more effective tools to promote their children's healthy eating.

Bilingual children's social preferences hinge on accent.

Past research finds that monolingual and bilingual children prefer native speakers to individuals who speak in unfamiliar foreign languages or accents. Do children in bilingual contexts socially distinguish among familiar languages and accents and, if so, how do their social preferences based on language and accent compare? The current experiments tested whether 5- to 7-year-olds in two bilingual contexts in the United States demonstrate social preferences among the languages and accents that are present in their social environments. We compared children's preferences based on language (i.e., English vs. their other native language) and their preferences based on accent (i.e., English with a native accent vs. English with a non-native [yet familiar] accent). In Experiment 1, children attending a French immersion school demonstrated no preference between English and French speakers but preferred American-accented English to French-accented English. In Experiment 2, bilingual Korean American children demonstrated no preference between English and Korean speakers but preferred American-accented English to Korean-accented English. Across studies, bilingual children's preferences based on accent (i.e., American-accented English over French- or Korean-accented English) were not related to their own language dominance. These results suggest that children from diverse linguistic backgrounds demonstrate social preferences for native-accented speakers. Implications for understanding the potential relation between social reasoning and language acquisition are discussed.

Implicit attitudes, eating behavior, and the development of obesity.

Nettle et al. describe increasing food intake (relative to energy expenditure) in response to food insecurity as a key contributor to obesity. I argue that a variety of implicit psychological mechanisms underlie this process to contribute to weight gain. The biobehavioral pathways and the social nature of food selection discussed here are importantly related to food selection and obesity.

Eww she sneezed! Contamination context affects children's food preferences and consumption.

Does contextual information about disgust influence children's food consumption and subjective experience of taste? Three- to eight-year-old children (N = 60) were presented with two identical foods, yet children were led to believe that one food had been contaminated by sneezing and licking, while the other was clean. When given the opportunity to eat the foods, 5- to 8-year-old children consumed more clean food and rated the clean food's taste more positively; younger children did not distinguish between the foods. The relation between contamination and subjective taste held even among children who ate both foods and had direct evidence that they were identical. These data indicate that children's consumption behavior and food preferences are influenced by information external to foods themselves.

Es Niño o Niña?: Gender Differences in Feeding Practices and Obesity Risk among Latino Infants.

Background: Obesity prevalence is significantly higher among Latino boys than girls. Weight status at 12 mo, a significant predictor of childhood obesity, is associated with feeding practices during infancy. Objectives: The objectives were to examine breastfeeding and formula-feeding practices overall and by infant gender and to examine relations among infant gender, milk-feeding practices, and obesity risk among Latino infants over the first year of life. Methods: Latino mother-infant dyads (n = 90) were recruited from a pediatric clinic. Mothers were interviewed at regular intervals (infants aged 2, 4, 6, and 9 mo), and 24-h feeding recalls were conducted when infants were aged 6 and 9 mo. Infants' lengths and weights were retrieved from clinic records to calculate weight-for-length percentiles. A bivariate analysis was conducted to compare feeding practices by gender and mediation analysis to test whether feeding practices mediated the relation between gender and obesity risk. Results: The majority (80%) of mothers were born outside the United States. In early infancy, mixed feeding of formula and breastfeeding was common. At 6 and 9 mo of age, milk-feeding practices differed, with formula feeding more common for boys than girls. At 12 mo, 38% of infants experienced obesity risk (≥85th weight-for-length percentile). Infants' obesity risk increased by 18% per 1 oz increase in powdered formula intake. Formula intake among boys was on average 1.42 oz (in dry weight) higher than that among girls, which, in turn, mediated their increased obesity risk (IERR = 1.27, 95% confidence interval: 1.02, 1.90). Conclusions: The increased obesity risk among Latino boys compared with girls at 12 mo was explained by higher rates of formula feeding at 6 and 9 mo of age. Future investigations of cultural values and beliefs in gender-related feeding practices are warranted to understand the differences in obesity risk between Latino boys and girls.