Adolescent boys' and girls' perspectives on social norms surrounding child marriage in Nepal.

According to recent data, in Nepal, 38.2% of women aged 20-24 years are married by the age of 18. This analysis of CARE's Tipping Point Initiative seeks to compare Nepali adolescent boys' and girls' perceptions of empirical and normative expectations around child, early and forced marriage. A baseline survey of 1,134 adolescent girls and 1,154 adolescent boys provided 11 items for descriptive quantitative analysis. Thirty in-depth interviews and 16 focus groups were conducted with young people aged 12-16 years and analysed using modified Grounded Theory. Themes in the data produced thick descriptions of gender roles/responsibilities, employment, mobility and marriage. Comparisons by gender of normative and empirical expectations, and sanctions on child, early and forced marriage were produced. Gender roles/responsibilities underpin social norms for mobility, marriage and employment, and are connected by subthemes with a focus on responsibility for household chores, interaction between unmarried adolescents, education/financial stability, honour/reputation, and parental decision-makers). Participants agreed on gendered labour, women's employment, and parents as decision-makers. Areas of disagreement included repercussions for interactions between unmarried adolescents, girls' mobility, attributes of the ideal woman, and maintaining family honour. Programming recommendations include focusing on the inter-relatedness of boys' and girls' wellbeing, communication between girls and parents, and structural support for education Research recommendations include identifying factors underlying sexual harassment and constructs of masculinity and femininity.

Longitudinal trends in screening males and females for intimate partner violence as part of a systemic multi-specialty health system intervention.

OBJECTIVE: To assess intimate partner violence screening for males and females in a health system that underwent a systemic intervention to improve survivor identification and response. Electronic health record data from 13 clinics were accessed for February of 2017, 2018, and 2019 to calculate screening rates and positive screening rates for intimate partner violence by clinic and sex-race groups (n = 11,693 non-Hispanic White females; n = 4318 Other females; n = 9184 non-Hispanic White males; n = 3441 Other males). Linear mixed effects models were used to examine whether screening rates differed significantly over time and by sex-race group. RESULTS: Screening rates were 31% for the first 2 years and 16% for 2019. Screening rates varied greatly by clinic. Dermatology, psychiatry, and otolaryngology clinics had average or above screening rates all 3 years. Differences in screening rates across sex-race groups were minimal. Average positive screen rates were 1.3%, 0.4%, and 2.6% in 2017, 2018, and 2019, respectively, with psychiatry having the highest positive screen rate. Positive screen rates were highest for non-Hispanic White females (3.5%). Universal screening in this health system was not yielding survivors comparable to existing estimates among clinic-based populations. Other identification approaches require testing to effectively identify survivors within the health sector.

Diffusion in social norms change about violence against women: A longitudinal analysis of intervention data from a cluster randomised trial.

This study examines the diffusion effects of a Social and Behaviour Change Communication intervention in Nepal targeting gender equity and violence against women. The Change trial involves weekly radio programming, listening and discussion groups (LDGs), and community engagement. This longitudinal study analyses a repeated cross-sectional two-armed, pair-matched, single blinded cluster trial of a 9-month intervention. We used probability proportionate to size methodology to identify 72 wards in the Terai region, half of which were randomly assigned to the intervention. For the community-based survey, 20 women per ward were chosen using simple random sampling (N = 1440). Ten women from each intervention ward (N = 360) were also selected to participate in radio LDGs. Injunctive norms were measured with the Partner Violence Norms Scale-PVNS. Each one person increase in diffusion was associated with a 0.04 (SE = 0.01, p-value < 0.01) higher endline norms score, adjusting for confounders. There was evidence of effect modification with a significant baseline norm by diffusion interaction term (Estimate = -0.12, p-value = 0.04). Findings demonstrated that diffusion was related to endline norms only in communities with lower baseline levels of gender equitable norms. Study findings support the importance of diffusion as a pathway to intervention scale-up and norms change.

Diagnosing Norms Surrounding Sexual Harassment at a Jordanian University.

Sexual harassment (SH) is a form of gender-based violence (GBV) that negatively impacts women's physical, mental, social, and financial well-being. Although SH is a global phenomenon, it also is a contextualized one, with local and institutional norms influencing the ways in which harassment behavior manifests. As more women attend institutions of higher education in Jordan, these women are at increased risk of experiencing SH in university settings, with potential implications for their health and future employment. Social norms theory, which examines the informal rules governing individual behavior within groups, has been a useful framework for understanding and developing interventions against GBV globally. We sought to apply a social-norms lens to the understanding and prevention of SH at a Jordanian university. To gain a comprehensive and nuanced picture of social norms surrounding SH, we collected qualitative data using three complementary methods: focus group discussions (n = 6) with male and female students (n = 33); key informant interviews with staff and faculty (n = 5); and a public, participatory event to elicit anonymous short responses from students (n = 317). Using this data, we created a codebook incorporating social-norms components and emergent themes. As perceived by participants, SH was unacceptable yet common, characterized as a weak norm primarily because negative sanctioning of harassers was unlikely. Distal norms related to gender and tribal affiliation served to weaken further norms against SH by blaming the victim, preventing reporting, discouraging bystander intervention, and/or protecting the perpetrator. The complexity of the normative environment surrounding SH perpetration will necessitate the use of targeted, parallel approaches to change harmful norms. Strengthening weak norms against SH will require increasing the likelihood of sanctions, by revising university policies and procedures to increase accountability, increasing the acceptability of bystander intervention and reporting, and fostering tribal investment in sanctioning members who harass women. Creating dialogue that emphasizes the harmful nature of SH behaviors and safe spaces to practice positive masculinity also may be an effective strategy to change how male students interact in the presence of peers. Any social norms change intervention will need to consider the various reference groups that dictate and enforce norms surrounding SH.