Contexts for developing of national essential diagnostics lists. Lessons from a mixed-methods study of existing documents, stakeholders and decision making on tier-specific essential in-vitro diagnostics in African countries.

Since 2019, the WHO recommends the development and implementation of National Essential Diagnostics List (NEDL) to facilitate availability of In-Vitro Diagnostics (IVDs) across the various tiers of the healthcare pyramid, facilities with or without a laboratory on-site. To be effective, the development of NEDL should take into consideration the challenges and opportunities associated with current modalities for organization of tier specific testing services in-country. We conducted a mixed-methods analysis set out to explore available national policies, guidelines and decision-making processes that affect accessibility of diagnostics in African countries; 307 documents from 48 African countries were reviewed and 28 in-depth (group) interviews with 43 key-informants in seven countries were conducted between June and July 2022. Of the 48 countries, Nigeria was the only one with formal NEDL. Twenty-five countries had national test menus (63% outdated, from 2015 or earlier) all specifying tests by laboratory tier (5 including the "community tier"), with additional details on equipment (20), consumables (12), and personnel requirements (11). The most popular criteria to select essential IVDs in the quantitative analysis relate to specificities of the tests, whereas in the qualitative study most mentioned were health care and laboratory contextual factors. Quality assurance and waste management for tests at "community tier" were highlighted as concerns by all the respondents. Additional barriers to implementation included the low decision-making power of Laboratory Directorates within the Ministry of Health, as well as the chronic budgetary gaps for clinical laboratory services and policy and strategic plan development outside of vertical programmes. Four countries out of seven would rather revise their test menus by updating them and add ''community tier", than developing a separate NEDL, the former being considered more operational. This study provides a unique set of practical recommendations to the process of development and effective implementation on NEDL in Africa.

Sexuality-based stigma and access to care: intersecting perspectives between healthcare providers and men who have sex with men in HIV care centres in Senegal.

Men who have sex with men (MSM) in Senegal face a challenging socio-legal context, marked by homophobia and the illegality of homosexuality. In addition, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) prevalence among MSM is 27.6%, 46 times greater than the one in the general population (0.5%). Nevertheless, access to healthcare by MSM may be hampered by stigmatizing attitudes from health facility staff (medical and non-medical). This article describes the health facility staff/MSM relationship and analyses its effects on access to healthcare by MSM. The data used were collected through a field survey based on observations and qualitative interviews conducted in 2019 and 2020 with 16 MSM, 1 non-governmental organization (NGO) staff and 9 healthcare providers in Dakar (the capital city) and Mbour (secondary city on the West Coast) hospitals. The data were subject to a thematic analysis assisted by the ATLAS software. The relationship between MSM and healthcare providers is ambiguous. On the one hand, healthcare providers are torn between their professional duty to treat MSM and the cost of being stigmatized by other colleagues. Therefore, they often limit their empathy with MSM within the hospital context. On the other hand, MSM, trusting in the confidentiality of healthcare providers, feel safe in the care pathway. However, we identify the following stigmatizing factors limiting access to care include (1) fear of meeting a relative, (2) difficult relationships with non-medical support staff (mainly security guards), (3) HIV status disclosure and (4) potential conflicts with other MSM. This study is unique as it includes non-medical staff in its respondents. It shows that hospitals are divided into several areas, based on the stigma perceived by MSM. It is important to map out MSM's care trajectories and spaces and to identify all types of staff working within them, including non-medical staff, and enrol them in stigma reduction interventions.

[Psychosocial care for contacts of confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Touba, Senegal]. / La prise en charge psychosociale des contacts de cas confirmés de COVID-19 à Touba, Sénégal.

Senegal, like many countries in the world, has been facing the COVID-19 pandemic since March 2, 2020. Psychosocial care for people who are victims of this unexpected and potentially fatal event is essential. As soon as the first cases were registered in Senegal with the announcement of the first cluster in the town of Touba, 150km from Dakar, on March 12, 2020, the country's health authorities set up a multidisciplinary team on the spot with a cell operational psychosocial. This unit has set up for a hundred direct and indirect victims immediate and post-immediate individual and/or group care with home visits. Beyond the therapeutic and support aspect of the psychosocial care of these victims of COVID-19, this intervention allowed the decision-making level to have feedback from the field on certain actions that posed more problems than they did not resolve. The psychosocial field work made it possible to model and adjust the interventions in a particular context of denial by the local population.

Accepted monitoring or endured quarantine? Ebola contacts' perceptions in Senegal.

During the 2014-2016 West Africa Ebola epidemic, transmission chains were controlled through contact tracing, i.e., identification and follow-up of people exposed to Ebola cases. WHO recommendations for daily check-ups of physical symptoms with social distancing for 21 days were unevenly applied and sometimes interpreted as quarantine. Criticisms arose regarding the use of coercion and questioned contact tracing on ethical grounds. This article aims to analyze contact cases' perceptions and acceptance of contact monitoring at the field level. In Senegal, an imported case of Ebola virus disease in September 2014 resulted in placing 74 contact cases in home containment with daily visits by volunteers. An ethnographic study based on in-depth interviews with all stakeholders performed in September-October 2014 showed four main perceptions of monitoring: a biosecurity preventive measure, suspension of professional activity, stigma attached to Ebola, and a social obligation. Contacts demonstrated diverse attitudes. Initially, most contacts agreed to comply because they feared being infected. They adhered to the national Ebola response measures and appreciated the empathy shown by volunteers. Later, acceptance was improved by the provision of moral, economic, and social support, and by the final lack of any new contamination. But it was limited by the socio-economic impact on fulfilling basic needs, the fear of being infected, how contacts' family members interpreted monitoring, conflation of contacts as Ebola cases, and challenging the rationale for containment. Acceptance was also related to individual aspects, such as the professional status of women and health workers who had been exposed, and contextual aspects, such as the media's role in the social production of stigma. Ethnographic results show that, even when contacts adhere rather than comply to containment through coercion, contact monitoring raises several ethical issues. These insights should contribute to the ethics debate about individual rights versus crisis public health measures.