ABSTRACT
Objectives. Despite the recent expansion of direct-to-patient telehealth abortion care in the United States, patient experiences with the service are not well understood. Methods. We described care experiences of 1600 telehealth abortion patients in 2021 to 2022 and used logistic regression to explore differences by race or ethnicity and between synchronous (phone or video) and asynchronous (secure messaging) telehealth abortion care. Results. Most patients trusted the provider (98%), felt telehealth was the right decision (96%), felt cared for (92%), and were very satisfied (89%). Patients most commonly cited privacy (76%), timeliness (74%), and staying at home (71%) as benefits. The most commonly reported drawback was initial uncertainty about whether the service was legitimate (38%). Asian patients were less likely to be very satisfied than White patients (79% vs 90%; P = .008). Acceptability was high for both synchronous and asynchronous care. Conclusions. Telehealth abortion care is highly acceptable, and benefits include privacy and expediency. Public Health Implications. Telehealth abortion can expand abortion access in an increasingly restricted landscape while maintaining patient-centered care. (Am J Public Health. 2024;114(2):241-250. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2023.307437).
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Telemedicine , Pregnancy , Female , Humans , United States , Cohort Studies , Telemedicine/methods , Patient-Centered CareABSTRACT
Understanding the levels of power that adolescent girls and young women exercise in their sexual and reproductive lives is imperative to inform interventions to help them meet their goals. We implemented an adapted version of the Sexual and Reproductive Health Empowerment (SRE) Scale for Adolescents and Young Adults among 500 adolescent girls and young women aged 15-20 in Kisumu, Kenya. We used confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to assess factor structure, and logistic regression to examine construct validity through the relationship between empowerment scores and ability to mitigate risk of undesired pregnancy through consistent contraceptive use. Participants had a mean age of 17.5, and most were students (61 percent), were currently partnered (94 percent), and reported having sex in the past 3 months (70 percent). The final, 26-item CFA model had acceptable fit. All subscales had Cronbach's alpha scores >0.7, and all items had rotated factor loadings >0.5, indicating good internal consistency and robust factor-variable associations. The total SRE-Kenya (SRE-K) score was associated with increased odds of the consistent method used in the past three months (adjusted odds ratio: 1.98, 95 percent CI: 1.29-3.10). The SRE-K scale is a newly adapted and valid measure of sexual and reproductive empowerment specific to adolescent girls and young women in an East African setting.
Subject(s)
Empowerment , Sexual Behavior , Humans , Adolescent , Female , Kenya , Young Adult , Factor Analysis, Statistical , Contraception Behavior/psychology , Surveys and Questionnaires/standards , Reproducibility of Results , Reproductive Health , PregnancyABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Telehealth abortion has taken on a vital role in maintaining abortion access since the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization Supreme Court decision. However, little remains known about the landscape of new telehealth-only virtual clinic abortion providers that have expanded since telehealth abortion first became widely available in the United States in 2021. OBJECTIVE: This study aimed to (1) document the landscape of telehealth-only virtual clinic abortion care in the United States, (2) describe changes in the presence of virtual clinic abortion services between September 2022, following the Dobbs decision, and June 2023, and (3) identify structural factors that may perpetuate inequities in access to virtual clinic abortion care. METHODS: We conducted a repeated cross-sectional study by reviewing web search results and abortion directories to identify virtual abortion clinics in September 2022 and June 2023 and described changes in the presence of virtual clinics between these 2 periods. In June 2023, we also described each virtual clinic's policies, including states served, costs, patient age limits, insurance acceptance, financial assistance available, and gestational limits. RESULTS: We documented 11 virtual clinics providing telehealth abortion care in 26 states and Washington DC in September 2022. By June 2023, 20 virtual clinics were providing services in 27 states and Washington DC. Most (n=16) offered care to minors, 8 provided care until 10 weeks of pregnancy, and median costs were US $259. In addition, 2 accepted private insurance and 1 accepted Medicaid, within a limited number of states. Most (n=16) had some form of financial assistance available. CONCLUSIONS: Virtual clinic abortion providers have proliferated since the Dobbs decision. We documented inequities in the availability of telehealth abortion care from virtual clinics, including age restrictions that exclude minors, gestational limits for care, and limited insurance and Medicaid acceptance. Notably, virtual clinic abortion care was not permitted in 11 states where in-person abortion is available.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Health Services Accessibility , Telemedicine , Telemedicine/statistics & numerical data , Humans , United States , Female , Pregnancy , Abortion, Induced/statistics & numerical data , Abortion, Induced/methods , Cross-Sectional Studies , Health Services Accessibility/statistics & numerical data , Ambulatory Care Facilities/statistics & numerical data , AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Mindful of social norms shaping health among women pressured to prove early fertility in Nepal, a bi-national research team developed and piloted a 4-month intervention engaging household triads (newly married women, their husbands, and mothers-in-law) toward advancing gender equity, personal agency, and reproductive health. This study evaluates the impact on family planning and fertility decision-making. METHODS: In 2021, Sumadhur was piloted in six villages with 30 household triads (90 participants). Pre/post surveys of all participants were analyzed using paired sample nonparametric tests and in-depth interviews with a subset of 45 participants were transcribed and analyzed thematically. RESULTS: Sumadhur significantly impacted (p < .05) norms related to pregnancy spacing and timing, and sex preference of children, as well as knowledge about family planning benefits, pregnancy prevention methods, and abortion legality. Family planning intent also increased among newly married women. Qualitative findings revealed improved family dynamics and gender equity, and shed light on remaining challenges. CONCLUSIONS: Entrenched social norms surrounding fertility and family planning contrasted with participants' personal beliefs, highlighting needed community-level shifts to improve reproductive health in Nepal. Engagement of influential community- and family-members is key to improving norms and reproductive health. Additionally, promising interventions such as Sumadhur should be scaled up and reassessed.
Societal norms are among the key influencers that shape the decisions that people make about their desired family size and the methods they will apply to achieve it. To support women in Nepal, where norms are often layered upon the expectation that women will prove their fertility soon after marriage, a bi-national research team developed and piloted a 4-month intervention, Sumadhur, engaging newly married women, their husbands, and mothers-in-law. This study evaluated the impact the Sumadhur had on norms, knowledge, and intent related to family planning. From pre- and post-questionnaires, we found norms significantly shifted and knowledge significantly improved among all participant groups as a result of participating in Sumadhur. From interviews following the intervention, we found that family dynamics and gender equity also improved despite lingering challenges including unchanged norms about the expected timing of a couple's first child. Our results confirmed that it is critical to engage influential community and family members in improving norms and supporting women to make decisions about their reproduction. Additionally, promising interventions like Sumadhur should be scaled up and re-evaluated.
Subject(s)
Contraception Behavior , Family Planning Services , Pregnancy , Child , Female , Humans , Fertility , Sex Education , Family CharacteristicsABSTRACT
Importance: Abortion facility closures resulted in a substantial decrease in access to abortion care in the US. Objectives: To investigate the changes in travel time to the nearest abortion facility after the Dobbs v Jackson Women's Health Organization (referred to hereafter as Dobbs) US Supreme Court decision. Design, Setting, and Participants: Repeated cross-sectional spatial analysis of travel time from each census tract in the contiguous US (n = 82Ć¢ĀĀÆ993) to the nearest abortion facility (n = 1134) listed in the Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health database. Census tract boundaries and demographics were defined by the 2020 American Community Survey. The spatial analysis compared access during the pre-Dobbs period (January-December 2021) with the post-Dobbs period (September 2022) for the estimated 63Ć¢ĀĀÆ718Ć¢ĀĀÆ431 females aged 15 to 44 years (reproductive age for this analysis) in the US (excluding Alaska and Hawaii). Exposures: The Dobbs ruling and subsequent state laws restricting abortion procedures. The pre-Dobbs period measured abortion access to all facilities providing abortions in 2021. Post-Dobbs abortion access was measured by simulating the closure of all facilities in the 15 states with existing total or 6-week abortion bans in effect as of September 30, 2022. Main Outcomes and Measures: Median and mean changes in surface travel time (eg, car, public transportation) to an abortion facility in the post-Dobbs period compared with the pre-Dobbs period and the total percentage of females of reproductive age living more than 60 minutes from abortion facilities during the pre- and post-Dobbs periods. Results: Of 1134 abortion facilities in the US (at least 1 in every state; 8 in Alaska and Hawaii excluded), 749 were considered active during the pre-Dobbs period and 671 were considered active during a simulated post-Dobbs period. Median (IQR) and mean (SD) travel times to pre-Dobbs abortion facilities were estimated to be 10.9 (4.3-32.4) and 27.8 (42.0) minutes. Travel time to abortion facilities in the post-Dobbs period significantly increased (paired sample t test P <.001) to an estimated median (IQR) of 17.0 (4.9-124.5) minutes and a mean (SD) of and 100.4 (161.5) minutes. In the post-Dobbs period, an estimated 33.3% (sensitivity interval, 32.3%-34.8%) of females of reproductive age lived in a census tract more than 60 minutes from an abortion facility compared with 14.6.% (sensitivity interval, 13.0%-16.9%) of females of reproductive age in the pre-Dobbs period. Conclusions and Relevance: In this repeated cross-sectional spatial analysis, estimated travel time to abortion facilities in the US was significantly greater in the post-Dobbs period after accounting for the closure of abortion facilities in states with total or 6-week abortion bans compared with the pre-Dobbs period, during which all facilities providing abortions in 2021 were considered active.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced , Abortion, Legal , Female , Humans , Pregnancy , Abortion, Induced/statistics & numerical data , Abortion, Legal/legislation & jurisprudence , Cross-Sectional Studies , Women's HealthABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: We aimed to assess the feasibility of using multiple technologies to recruit and conduct cognitive interviews among young people across the United States to test items measuring sexual and reproductive empowerment. We sought to understand whether these methods could achieve a diverse sample of participants. With more researchers turning to approaches that maintain social distancing in the context of COVID-19, it has become more pressing to refine these remote research methods. METHODS: We used several online sites to recruit for and conduct cognitive testing of survey items. To recruit potential participants we advertised the study on the free online bulletin board, Craigslist, and the free online social network, Reddit. Interested participants completed an online Qualtrics screening form. To maximize diversity, we purposefully selected individuals to invite for participation. We used the video meeting platform, Zoom, to conduct the cognitive interviews. The interviewer opened a document with the items to be tested, shared the screen with the participant, and gave them control of the mouse and keyboard. After the participant self-administered the survey, theĀ interviewer asked about interpretation and comprehension. After completion of the interviews we sent participants a follow-up survey about their impressions of the research methods and technologies used. We describe the processes, the advantages and disadvantages, and offer recommendations for researchers. RESULTS: We recruited and interviewed 30 young people from a range of regions, gender identities, sexual orientations, ages, education, and experiences with sexual activity. These methods allowed us to recruit a purposefully selected diverse sample in terms of race/ethnicity and region. It also may have offered potential participants a feeling of safety and anonymity leading to greater participation from gay, lesbian, and transgender people who would not have agreed to participate in-person. Conducting the interviews using video chat may also have facilitated the inclusion of individuals who would not volunteer for in-person meetings. Disadvantages of video interviewing included participant challenges to finding a private space for the interview and problemsĀ with electronic devices. CONCLUSIONS: Online technologies can be used to achieve a diverse sample of research participants, contributing to research findings that better respond to young people's unique identities and situations.
Subject(s)
Cognition/physiology , Health Surveys/statistics & numerical data , Interviews as Topic/statistics & numerical data , Psychometrics/statistics & numerical data , Sexual Behavior/statistics & numerical data , Sexual and Gender Minorities/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Betacoronavirus/physiology , Coronavirus Infections/epidemiology , Coronavirus Infections/virology , Feasibility Studies , Female , Health Surveys/methods , Humans , Internet , Interviews as Topic/methods , Male , Pandemics , Pneumonia, Viral/epidemiology , Pneumonia, Viral/virology , Psychometrics/methods , Reproducibility of Results , SARS-CoV-2 , United States/epidemiology , Young AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: To estimate the proportion of pregnant women in Louisiana who do not obtain abortions because Medicaid does not cover abortion. METHODS: Two hundred sixty nine women presenting at first prenatal visits in Southern Louisiana, 2015-2017, completed self-administered iPad surveys and structured interviews. Women reporting having considered abortion were asked whether Medicaid not paying for abortion was a reason they had not had an abortion. Using study data and published estimates of births, abortions, and Medicaid-covered births in Louisiana, we projected the proportion of Medicaid births that would instead be abortions if Medicaid covered abortion in Louisiana. RESULTS: 28% considered abortion. Among women with Medicaid, 7.2% [95% CI 4.1-12.3] reported Medicaid not paying as a reason they did not have an abortion. Existing estimates suggest 10% of Louisiana pregnancies end in abortion. If Medicaid covered abortion, this would increase to 14% [95% CI 12, 16]. 29% [95% CI 19, 41] of Medicaid eligible pregnant women who would have an abortion with Medicaid coverage, instead give birth. CONCLUSIONS: For a substantial proportion of pregnant women in Louisiana, the lack of Medicaid funding remains an insurmountable barrier to obtaining an abortion. Forty years after the Hyde Amendment was passed, lack of Medicaid funding for abortion continues to have substantial impacts on women's ability to obtain abortions.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/economics , Abortion, Legal/economics , Health Services Accessibility/economics , Medicaid/economics , Abortion, Induced/legislation & jurisprudence , Abortion, Legal/statistics & numerical data , Adult , Female , Health Services Accessibility/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Louisiana , Medicaid/legislation & jurisprudence , Pregnancy , Pregnant Women , United States , Young AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Media depictions and laws passed in state legislatures regulating abortion suggest abortion-related medical emergencies are common. An accurate understanding of abortion-related emergencies is important for informing policy and practice. We assessed the incidence of abortion-related emergency department (ED) visits in the United States (U.S.). METHODS: We used a retrospective observational study design using 2009-2013 data from the Nationwide Emergency Department Sample, a nationally representative sample of U.S. ED visits from 947 to 964 hospitals across the U.S. per year. All ED visits among women of reproductive age (15-49) were included. We categorized ED visits by abortion relatedness and treatments received, and assessed whether the visit was for a major incident (defined as requiring blood transfusion, surgery, or overnight inpatient stay). We estimated the proportion of visits that were abortion-related and described the characteristics of patients making these visits, the diagnoses and subsequent treatments received by these patients, the sociodemographic and hospital characteristics associated with the incidents and observation care only (defined as receiving no treatments), and the rate of major incidents for all abortion patients in the U.S. RESULTS: Among all ED visits by women aged 15-49 (189,480,685), 0.01% (n = 27,941) were abortion-related. Of these visits, 51% (95% confidence interval, 95% CI 49.3-51.9%) of the women received observation care only. A total of 20% (95% CI 19.3-21.3%) of abortion-related ED visits were for major incidents. One-fifth (22%, 95% CI 20.9-23.0%) of abortion-related visits resulted in admission to the same hospital for abortion-related reasons. Of the visits, 1.4% (n = 390, 95% CI 1.1-1.7%) were potentially due to attempts at self-induced abortion. In multivariable models, women using Medicaid (adjusted odds ratio, AOR 1.28, 95% CI 1.08-1.52) and women with a comorbid condition (AORs 2.47-4.63) had higher odds of having a major incident than women using private insurance and those without comorbid conditions. During the study period, 0.11% of all abortions in the U.S. resulted in major incidents as seen in EDs. CONCLUSIONS: Abortion-related ED visits comprise a small proportion of women's ED visits. Many abortion-related ED visits may not be indicated or could have been managed at a less costly level of care. Given the low rate of major incidents, perceptions that abortion is unsafe are not based on evidence.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/trends , Emergency Service, Hospital/trends , Adolescent , Adult , Female , Humans , Male , Middle Aged , Pregnancy , Retrospective Studies , United States , Young AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Abortion is a common medical procedure, yet its availability has become more limited across the United States over the past decade. Women who do not know where to go for abortion care may use the internet to find abortion facility information, and there appears to be more online searches for abortion in states with more restrictive abortion laws. While previous studies have examined the distances women must travel to reach an abortion provider, to our knowledge no studies have used a systematic online search to document the geographic locations and services of abortion facilities. OBJECTIVE: The objective of our study was to describe abortion facilities and services available in the United States from the perspective of a potential patient searching online and to identify US cities where people must travel the farthest to obtain abortion care. METHODS: In early 2017, we conducted a systematic online search for abortion facilities in every state and the largest cities in each state. We recorded facility locations, types of abortion services available, and facility gestational limits. We then summarized the frequencies by region and state. If the online information was incomplete or unclear, we called the facility using a mystery shopper method, which simulates the perspective of patients calling for services. We also calculated distance to the closest abortion facility from all US cities with populations of 50,000 or more. RESULTS: We identified 780 facilities through our online search, with the fewest in the Midwest and South. Over 30% (236/780, 30.3%) of all facilities advertised the provision of medication abortion services only; this proportion was close to 40% in the Northeast (89/233, 38.2%) and West (104/262, 39.7%). The lowest gestational limit at which services were provided was 12 weeks in Wyoming; the highest was 28 weeks in New Mexico. People in 27 US cities must travel over 100 miles (160 km) to reach an abortion facility; the state with the largest number of such cities is Texas (n=10). CONCLUSIONS: Online searches can provide detailed information about the location of abortion facilities and the types of services they provide. However, these facilities are not evenly distributed geographically, and many large US cities do not have an abortion facility. Long distances can push women to seek abortion in later gestations when care is even more limited.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/methods , Internet/instrumentation , Adult , Cities , Female , Health Services Accessibility , Humans , Pregnancy , United StatesABSTRACT
Importance: Multiple states have laws requiring abortion facilities to meet ambulatory surgery center (ASC) standards. There is limited evidence regarding abortion-related morbidities and adverse events following abortions performed at ASCs vs office-based settings. Objective: To compare abortion-related morbidities and adverse events at ASCs vs office-based settings. Design, Setting, and Participants: Retrospective cohort study of women with US private health insurance who underwent induced abortions in an ASC or office-based setting (January 1, 2011-December 31, 2014). Outcomes were abstracted from a large national private insurance claims database during the 6 weeks following the abortion (date of final follow-up, February 11, 2015). Exposures: Facility type for abortion (ASCs vs office-based settings, including facilities such as abortion clinics, nonspecialized clinics, and physician offices). Main Outcomes and Measures: The primary outcome was any abortion-related morbidity or adverse event (such as retained products of conception, abortion-related infection, hemorrhage, and uterine perforation) within 6 weeks after an abortion. Two secondary outcomes, both subsets of the primary outcome, were major abortion-related morbidities and adverse events (such as hemorrhages treated with a transfusion, missed ectopic pregnancies treated with surgery, and abortion-related infections that resulted in an overnight hospital admission) and abortion-related infections. Results: Among 49Ć¢ĀĀÆ287 women (mean age, 28 years [SD, 7.3]) who had 50Ć¢ĀĀÆ311 induced abortions, (23Ć¢ĀĀÆ891 [47%] first-trimester aspiration, 13Ć¢ĀĀÆ480 [27%] first-trimester medication, and 12Ć¢ĀĀÆ940 [26%] second trimester or later), 5660 abortions (11%) were performed in ASCs and 44Ć¢ĀĀÆ651 (89%) in office-based settings. Overall, 3.33% had an abortion-related morbidity or adverse event; 0.32% had a major abortion-related morbidity or adverse event; and 0.74% had an abortion-related infection. In adjusted analyses, there was no statistically significant difference between ASCs vs office-based settings, respectively, in the rates of abortion-related morbidities or adverse events (3.25% vs 3.33%, difference, -0.08%; [corrected] 95% CI, -0.58% to 0.43%; adjusted OR, 0.97; 95% CI, 0.81-1.17), major morbidities or adverse events (0.26% vs 0.33%; difference, -0.06%; 95% CI, -0.18% to 0.06%; adjusted OR, 0.78; 95% CI, 0.45-1.37), or infections (0.58% vs 0.77%; difference, -0.16%; 95% CI, -0.35% to 0.03%; adjusted OR, 0.75; 95% CI, 0.52-1.09). Conclusions and Relevance: Among women with private health insurance who had an induced abortion, performance of the abortion in an ambulatory surgical center compared with an office-based setting was not associated with a significant difference in abortion-related morbidities and adverse events. These findings, in addition to individual patient and individual facility factors, may inform decisions about the type of facility in which induced abortions are performed.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/adverse effects , Ambulatory Care Facilities , Physicians' Offices , Abortifacient Agents/administration & dosage , Abortion, Induced/methods , Abortion, Induced/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Adult , Child , Female , Hospitalization/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Insurance, Health , Middle Aged , Morbidity , Pregnancy , Pregnancy Complications/epidemiology , Pregnancy Trimester, First , Pregnancy Trimester, Second , Pregnancy, Ectopic , Retrospective Studies , United States/epidemiology , Young AdultABSTRACT
Over the past two decades, US states have enacted legislation regulating ultrasound scanning in abortion care, including mandating that abortion patients view their ultrasound image. Legal scholars have argued that, by constructing ultrasound viewing as a necessary part of patients' abortion decision making, these laws aim to control and constrain how women make personal decisions about their bodies and parenthood. To date, however, the discussion of the impact of ultrasound viewing laws on women's decisional autonomy has occurred in the abstract. Here, we examine the effect of Wisconsin's mandatory ultrasound viewing law on the viewing behavior of women seeking care at a high-volume abortion-providing facility. Drawing both on chart data from patients before and after the law went into effect and on in-depth interviews with women subject to the mandatory viewing law, we found that the presence of the law impacted patients' viewing decision making. Moreover, we documented a differential effect of the law by race, with larger impacts on the viewing behavior of black women compared with white women. Our findings call for renewed attention to the coercive power of laws regulating abortion on a macrolevel, investigating not only how they affect individuals' behavior and experience but also which individuals are impacted.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/legislation & jurisprudence , Decision Making , Ultrasonography, Prenatal , Adolescent , Adult , Black People , Female , Humans , Interviews as Topic , Pregnancy , White People , Wisconsin , Young AdultABSTRACT
This research explores how gender shapes contraceptive management through in-depth interviews with 40 men and women of color ages 15 to 24, a life stage when the risk of unintended pregnancy is high in the United States. Although past research focuses on men's contraception-avoidant behaviors, little sociological work has explored ways men engage in contraception outside of condoms, such as contraceptive pills. Research often highlights how women manage these methods alone. Our research identifies how young men of color do help manage these methods through their engagement in contraceptive decision-making and use. Men accomplish this without limiting their partners' ability to prevent pregnancy. This is despite structural barriers such as poverty and gang-related violence that disproportionately affect low-income young men of color and often shape their reproductive goals. However, men's engagement is still circumscribed so that women take on a disproportionate burden of pregnancy prevention, reifying gender boundaries. We identify this as a form of hybrid masculinity, because men's behaviors are seemingly egalitarian but also sustain women's individualized risk of unintended pregnancy. This research points to the complexity of how race, class, and gender intersect to create an engaged but limited place for men in contraceptive management among marginalized youth.
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Access to abortion care in the United States is limited by the availability of abortion providers and their geographic distribution. We aimed to assess how far women travel for Medicaid-funded abortion in California and identify disparities in access to abortion care. METHODS: We obtained data on all abortions reimbursed by the fee-for-service California state Medicaid program (Medi-Cal) in 2011 and 2012 and examined distance traveled to obtain abortion care by several demographic and abortion-related factors. Mixed-effects multivariable logistic regression models were constructed to examine factors associated with traveling 50 milesĀ or more. County-level t-tests and linear regressions were conducted to examine the effects of a Medi-Cal abortion provider in a county on overall and urban/rural differences in utilization. RESULTS: 11.9% (95% CI: 11.5-12.2%) of women traveled 50 miles or more. Women obtaining second trimester or later abortions (21.7%), women obtaining abortions at hospitals (19.9%), and rural women (51.0%) were most likely to travel 50 miles or more. Across the state, 28 counties, home to 10% of eligible women, did not have a facility routinely providing Medi-Cal-covered abortions. CONCLUSIONS: Efforts are needed to expand the number of abortion providers that accept Medi-Cal. This could be accomplished by increasing Medi-Cal reimbursement rates, increasing the types of providers who can provide abortions, and expanding the use of telemedicine. If national trends in declining unintended pregnancy and abortion rates continue, careful attention should be paid to ensure that reduced demand does not lead to greater disparities in geographic and financial access to abortion care by ensuring that providers accepting Medicaid payment are available and widely distributed.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/statistics & numerical data , Medicaid/statistics & numerical data , Travel , Abortion, Induced/economics , Adolescent , Adult , Ambulatory Care/statistics & numerical data , California , Fee-for-Service Plans , Female , Health Services Accessibility/economics , Health Services Accessibility/statistics & numerical data , Hospitals/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Logistic Models , Medicaid/economics , Office Visits/statistics & numerical data , Pregnancy , Pregnancy Trimester, Second , Pregnancy Trimester, Third , Prospective Studies , Rural Health , United States , Urban Health , Young AdultABSTRACT
This paper reviews the literature examining the relationship between women's empowerment and contraceptive use, unmet need for contraception and related family planning topics in developing countries. Searches were conducted using PubMed, Popline and Web of Science search engines in May 2013 to examine literature published between January 1990 and December 2012. Among the 46 articles included in the review, the majority were conducted in South Asia (n=24). Household decision-making (n=21) and mobility (n=17) were the most commonly examined domains of women's empowerment. Findings show that the relationship between empowerment and family planning is complex, with mixed positive and null associations. Consistently positive associations between empowerment and family planning outcomes were found for most family planning outcomes but those investigations represented fewer than two-fifths of the analyses. Current use of contraception was the most commonly studied family planning outcome, examined in more than half the analyses, but reviewed articles showed inconsistent findings. This review provides the first critical synthesis of the literature and assesses existing evidence between women's empowerment and family planning use.
Subject(s)
Developing Countries , Family Planning Services , Gender Identity , Power, Psychological , Adult , Asia , Communication , Contraception Behavior , Decision Making , Family Characteristics , Female , Humans , Marriage , Needs Assessment , Pregnancy , Women's RightsABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: In February 2011, an Ohio law took effect mandating use of the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA)-approved protocol for mifepristone, which is used with misoprostol for medication abortion. Other state legislatures have passed or enacted similar laws requiring use of the FDA-approved protocol for medication abortion. The objective of this study is to examine the association of this legal change with medication abortion outcomes and utilization. METHODS AND FINDINGS: We used a retrospective cohort design, comparing outcomes of medication abortion patients in the prelaw period to those in the postlaw period. Sociodemographic and clinical chart data were abstracted from all medication abortion patients from 1 y prior to the law's implementation (January 2010-January 2011) to 3 y post implementation (February 2011-October 2014) at four abortion-providing health care facilities in Ohio. Outcome data were analyzed for all women undergoing abortion at ≤49 d gestation during the study period. The main outcomes were as follows: need for additional intervention following medication abortion (such as aspiration, repeat misoprostol, and blood transfusion), frequency of continuing pregnancy, reports of side effects, and the proportion of abortions that were medication abortions (versus other abortion procedures). Among the 2,783 medication abortions ≤49 d gestation, 4.9% (95% CI: 3.7%-6.2%) in the prelaw and 14.3% (95% CI: 12.6%-16.0%) in the postlaw period required one or more additional interventions. Women obtaining a medication abortion in the postlaw period had three times the odds of requiring an additional intervention as women in the prelaw period (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 3.11, 95% CI: 2.27-4.27). In a mixed effects multivariable model that uses facility-months as the unit of analysis to account for lack of independence by site, we found that the law change was associated with a 9.4% (95% CI: 4.0%-18.4%) absolute increase in the rate of requiring an additional intervention. The most common subsequent intervention in both periods was an additional misoprostol dose and was most commonly administered to treat incomplete abortion. The percentage of women requiring two or more follow-up visits increased from 4.2% (95% CI: 3.0%-5.3%) in the prelaw period to 6.2% (95% CI: 5.5%-8.0%) in the postlaw period (p = 0.003). Continuing pregnancy was rare (0.3%). Overall, 12.6% of women reported at least one side effect during their medication abortion: 8.4% (95% CI: 6.8%-10.0%) in the prelaw period and 15.6% (95% CI: 13.8%-17.3%) in the postlaw period (p < 0.001). Medication abortions fell from 22% (95% CI: 20.8%-22.3%) of all abortions the year before the law went into effect (2010) to 5% (95% CI: 4.8%-5.6%) 3 y after (2014) (p < 0.001). The average patient charge increased from US$426 in 2010 to US$551 in 2014, representing a 16% increase after adjusting for inflation in medical prices. The primary limitation to the study is that it was a pre/post-observational study with no control group that was not exposed to the law. CONCLUSIONS: Ohio law required use of a medication abortion protocol that is associated with a greater need for additional intervention, more visits, more side effects, and higher costs for women relative to the evidence-based protocol. There is no evidence that the change in law led to improved abortion outcomes. Indeed, our findings suggest the opposite. In March 2016, the FDA-protocol was updated, so Ohio providers may now legally provide current evidence-based protocols. However, this law is still in place and bans physicians from using mifepristone based on any new developments in clinical research as best practices continue to be updated.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/legislation & jurisprudence , Clinical Protocols , Legislation, Drug , Mifepristone/therapeutic use , Misoprostol/therapeutic use , Abortion, Induced/statistics & numerical data , Adult , Clinical Protocols/standards , Drug Therapy, Combination , Female , Humans , Legislation, Drug/statistics & numerical data , Mifepristone/administration & dosage , Misoprostol/administration & dosage , Ohio , Pregnancy , Retrospective Studies , Treatment Outcome , United States , United States Food and Drug Administration/standards , Young AdultABSTRACT
OBJECTIVES: We sought to understand more about women affected by a law enacted in January 2013 that led Georgia providers to stop providing abortion services at 24 weeks from a woman's last menstrual period (LMP), and who would be affected if Georgia enforces the law banning abortions at 22 weeks from LMP. METHODS: We obtained data on women obtaining abortions at or after 20 weeks from LMP in 2012 and 2013 from 4 Georgia facilities providing later abortion care. We analyzed data descriptively and with the χ (2) test. RESULTS: More than half of the women were Black; one fourth were White. Close to half of the women had education beyond high school and a similar proportion had a previous live birth. Eighty-three percent of women at or after 24 weeks came from the South, 4% from the Northeast, and 13% from the Midwest; 99% of those at 20 to 24 weeks were from the South. One third of women at or after 24 weeks and half at 20 to 24 weeks were Georgia residents. CONCLUSIONS: These bans will likely affect women throughout the South, as well as the Midwest and Northeast.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Legal/legislation & jurisprudence , Abortion, Legal/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Adult , Black or African American/statistics & numerical data , Female , Georgia/epidemiology , Humans , Middle Aged , Pregnancy , Pregnancy Trimester, Second , United States/epidemiology , White People/statistics & numerical data , Young AdultABSTRACT
BACKGROUND: Women commonly report seeking abortion in order to achieve personal life goals. Few studies have investigated whether an abortion enables women to achieve such goals. METHODS: Data are from the Turnaway Study, a prospective cohort study of women recruited from 30 abortion facilities across the US. The sample included women in one of four groups: Women who presented for abortion just over the facility's gestational limit, were denied an abortion and went on to parent the child (Parenting Turnaways, n = 146) or did not parent (Non-Parenting Turnaways, n = 64), those who presented just under the facility's gestational limit and received an abortion (Near-Limits, n = 413) and those who presented in the first trimester and received an abortion (First Trimesters, n = 254). Participants were interviewed by telephone one week, six months and one year after they sought an abortion. We used mixed effects logistic regression to assess the relationship between receiving versus being denied abortion and having an aspirational one year goal and achieving it. RESULTS: The 757 participants in this analysis reported a total of 1,304 one-year plans. The most common one-year plans were related to education (21.3 %), employment (18.9 %), other (16.3 %), and change in residence (10.4 %). Most goals (80 %) were aspirational, defined as a positive plan for the next year. First Trimesters and Near-Limits were over 6 times as likely as Parenting Turnaways to report aspirational one-year plans [Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) = 6.37 and 6.56 respectively, p < 0.001 for both]. Among all plans in which achievement was measurable (n = 1,024, 87 %), Near-Limits (45.6 %, AOR = 1.91, p = 0.003) and Non-Parenting Turnaways (47.9 %, AOR = 2.09, p = 0.026) were more likely to have both an aspirational plan and to have achieved it than Parenting Turnaways (30.4 %). CONCLUSIONS: These findings suggest that ensuring women can have a wanted abortion enables them to maintain a positive future outlook and achieve their aspirational life plans.
Subject(s)
Abortion, Induced/adverse effects , Abortion, Induced/psychology , Cohort Studies , Female , Goals , Health Impact Assessment , Humans , Logistic Models , Longitudinal Studies , Pregnancy , Prospective StudiesSubject(s)
Empowerment , Gender Identity , Social Justice , COVID-19/psychology , Human Rights , Humans , Public HealthABSTRACT
OBJECTIVES: We examined the factors influencing delay in seeking abortion and the outcomes for women denied abortion care because of gestational age limits at abortion facilities. METHODS: We compared women who presented for abortion care who were under the facilities' gestational age limits and received an abortion (n = 452) with those who were just over the gestational age limits and were denied an abortion (n = 231) at 30 US facilities. We described reasons for delay in seeking services. We examined the determinants of obtaining an abortion elsewhere after being denied one because of facility gestational age limits. We then estimated the national incidence of being denied an abortion because of facility gestational age limits. RESULTS: Adolescents and women who did not recognize their pregnancies early were most likely to delay seeking care. The most common reason for delay was having to raise money for travel and procedure costs. We estimated that each year more than 4000 US women are denied an abortion because of facility gestational limits and must carry unwanted pregnancies to term. CONCLUSIONS: Many state laws restrict abortions based on gestational age, and new laws are lowering limits further. The incidence of being denied abortion will likely increase, disproportionately affecting young and poor women.