Effects of state opioid prescribing laws on rates of fatal crashes in the USA.

BACKGROUND: State opioid prescribing cap laws, mandatory prescription drug monitoring programme query or enrolment laws and pill mill laws have been implemented across US states to curb high-risk opioid prescribing. Previous studies have measured the impact of these laws on opioid use and overdose death, but no prior work has measured the impact of these laws on fatal crashes in a multistate analysis. METHODS: To study the association between state opioid prescribing laws and fatal crashes, 13 treatment states that implemented a single law of interest in a 4-year period were identified, together with unique groups of control states for each treatment state. Augmented synthetic control analyses were used to estimate the association between each state law and the overall rate of fatal crashes, and the rate of opioid-involved fatal crashes, per 100 000 licensed drivers in the state. Fatal crash data came from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System. RESULTS: Results of augmented synthetic control analyses showed small-in-magnitude, non-statistically significant changes in all fatal crash outcomes attributable to the 13 state opioid prescribing laws. While non-statistically significant, results attributable to the laws varied in either direction-from an increase of 0.14 (95% CI, -0.32 to 0.60) fatal crashes per 100 000 licensed drivers attributable to Ohio's opioid prescribing cap law, to a decrease of 0.30 (95% CI, -1.17 to 0.57) fatal crashes/100 000 licensed drivers attributable to Mississippi's pill mill law. CONCLUSION: These findings suggest that state-level opioid prescribing laws are insufficient to help address rising rates of fatally injured drivers who test positive for opioids. Other options will be needed to address this continuing injury problem.

Effects of Comprehensive Background-Check Policies on Firearm Fatalities in 4 States.

Despite promising results from individual-level studies, state-level studies of the effectiveness of comprehensive background-check (CBC) policies in reducing firearm fatalities have yielded null results in multiple states. These prior studies focused on CBC laws adopted in the 1990s, when record keeping was far less complete. We estimated the effect of the implementation of CBC policies on state-level firearm homicide and suicide rates in states implementing CBC policies from 2013 to 2015 (Colorado, Delaware, Oregon, and Washington). We compared age-adjusted firearm homicide and suicide rates, measured annually from 15 years prior to policy implementation until 2019, in each treated state to rates in control groups constructed using the synthetic control group method. Differences in firearm homicide rates for Colorado, Oregon, and Washington post treatment were all small (0.09 to 0.18 per 100,000 residents per year) and not well distinguished from natural variation. Oregon had on average 0.80 per 100,000 fewer firearm suicides per year than did synthetic Oregon post treatment. However, these results were inconsistent across modeling approaches and not well distinguished from natural variation. Our models produced poor fit for Delaware. Coupled with previous null results from Indiana, California, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Tennessee, the present results suggest that extending background check requirements to private transfers alone and implementing these policies as is currently done is not sufficient to achieve significant state-level reductions in firearm fatalities.

National support for gun policies among U.S. adults in 2019 and 2021.

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

National support for gun policies among U.S. adults in 2019 and 2021.

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

United States trends in healthcare charges for pediatric firearm injuries.

BACKGROUND: From 2009 to 2016, >21,000 children died and an estimated 118,000 suffered non-fatal injuries from firearms in the United States. Limited data is available on resource utilization by injury intent. We use hospital charges as a proxy for resource use and sought to: 1) estimate mean charges for initial ED and inpatient care for acute firearm injuries among children in the U.S.; 2) compare differences in charges by firearm injury intent among children; and 3) evaluate trends in charges for pediatric firearm injuries over time, including within intent subgroups. METHODS: In this repeated cross-sectional analysis of the 2009-2016 Nationwide Emergency Department Sample, we identified firearm injury cases among children aged ≤19 years using ICD-9-CM and ICD-10-CM external cause of injury codes (e-codes). Injury intent was categorized using e-codes as unintentional, assault-related, self-inflicted, or undetermined. Linear regressions utilizing survey weighting were used to examine associations between injury intent and healthcare charges, and to evaluate trends in mean charges over time. RESULTS: Among 21,951 unweighted cases representing 102,072 pediatric firearm-related injuries, mean age was 16.6 years, and a majority were male (88.2%) and publicly insured (51.5%). Injuries were 53.9% assault-related, 37.7% unintentional, 1.8% self-inflicted, and 6.7% undetermined. Self-inflicted injuries had higher mean charges ($98,988) than assault-related ($52,496) and unintentional ($28,618) injuries (p < 0.001). Self-inflicted injuries remained associated with higher mean charges relative to unintentional injuries, after adjusting for patient demographics, hospital characteristics, and injury severity (p = 0.015). Mean charges for assault-related injuries also remained significantly higher than charges for unintentional injuries in multivariable models (p < 0.001). After adjusting for inflation, mean charges for pediatric firearm-related injuries increased over time (p-trend = 0.018) and were 23.1% higher in 2016 versus 2009. Mean charges increased over time among unintentional injuries (p-trend = 0.002), but not among cases with assault-related or self-inflicted injuries. CONCLUSIONS: Self-inflicted and assault-related firearm injuries are associated with higher mean healthcare charges than unintentional firearm injuries among children. Mean charges for pediatric firearm injuries have also increased over time. These findings can help guide prevention interventions aimed at reducing the substantial burden of firearm injuries among children.

Purchaser Licensing, Point-of-Sale Background Check Laws, and Firearm Homicide and Suicide in 4 US States, 1985-2017.

Objectives. To estimate and compare the effects of state background check policies on firearm-related mortality in 4 US states.Methods. Annual data from 1985 to 2017 were used to examine Maryland and Pennsylvania, which implemented point-of-sale comprehensive background check (CBC) laws for handgun purchasers; Connecticut, which adopted a handgun purchaser licensing law; and Missouri, which repealed a similar law. Using synthetic control methods, we estimated the effects of these laws on homicide and suicide rates stratified by firearm involvement.Results. There was no consistent relationship between CBC laws and mortality rates. There were estimated decreases in firearm homicide (27.8%) and firearm suicide (23.2%-40.5%) rates associated with Connecticut's law. There were estimated increases in firearm homicide (47.3%), nonfirearm homicide (18.1%), and firearm suicide (23.5%) rates associated with Missouri's repeal.Conclusions. Purchaser licensing laws coupled with CBC requirements were consistently associated with lower firearm homicide and suicide rates, but CBC laws alone were not.Public Health Implications. Our results contribute to a body of research showing that CBC laws are not associated with reductions in firearm-related deaths unless they are coupled with handgun purchaser licensing laws.

Cigarette excise taxes, clean indoor air laws, and use of smoking cessation treatments: A mediation analysis.

The role of smoking cessation treatments in the link between clean indoor air laws and cigarette taxes with smoking cessation is not known. This study examined whether the use of smoking cessation treatments mediates the association between clean indoor air laws and cigarette excise taxes, on the one hand, and recent smoking cessation, on the other hand. Using data on 62,165 adult participants in the 2003 and 2010-2011 Current Population Survey-Tobacco Use Supplement who reported smoking cigarettes in the past year, we employed structural equation models to quantify the degree to which smoking cessation treatments (prescription medications, nicotine replacement therapy, counseling/support groups, quitlines, and internet-based resources) mediate the association between clean indoor air laws, cigarette excise taxes and recent smoking cessation. Recent smoking cessation was associated with clean indoor air laws in 2003 and with both clean indoor air laws and excise taxes in 2010-2011. Smoking cessation treatments explained between 29% to 39% of the effect of clean indoor air laws and taxes on recent smoking cessation. While clean indoor air laws remained significantly associated with the recent smoking cessation over the first decade of the 2000s, excise taxes gained a more prominent role in later years of that decade. The influence of these policies was partly mediated through the use of smoking cessation treatments, underscoring the importance of policies that make these treatments more widely available.

Support for gun policies among young adults in the U.S., 2017-2019.

After the school shooting at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida in 2018, there was an increase in gun violence prevention-related advocacy. While much of this recent political activity and engagement was led by young adults, little is known about support for specific gun policies within this age group. This study uses data from two nationally representative surveys fielded in 2017 and 2019 to compare public support for gun policies: (1) between young adults age 18-29 years and adults age 30 and older, and (2) between young adults in 2017 and young adults in 2019, before and after the Parkland shooting. Relative to adults age 30 and older, young adults had lower support for 16 of 20 gun violence prevention policies examined. Public support was largely unchanged between 2017 and 2019 among survey respondents ages 18-29; however, support for requiring a safety test for concealed carry decreased significantly among young adults between 2017 and 2019. Despite owning fewer guns and finding gun violence prevention important generally, young adults appear to have lower support for policies that regulate guns compared to older adults.

The relationship between joining a US free trade agreement and processed food sales, 2002-2016: a comparative interrupted time-series analysis.

OBJECTIVE: To examine changes in sales of highly processed foods, including infant formulas, in countries joining free trade agreements (FTAs) with the US. DESIGN: Annual country-level data for food and beverage sales come from Euromonitor International. Analyses are conducted in a comparative interrupted time-series (CITS) framework using multivariate random-effects linear models, adjusted for key confounders: gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, percent of the population living in urban areas and female labor force participation rate. Memberships in other FTAs and investment treaties are also explored as possible confounders. SETTING: Changes are assessed between 2002 and 2016. PARTICIPANTS: Ten countries joining US FTAs are compared with eleven countries without US FTAs in force; countries are matched on national income level, world region and World Trade Organization membership. RESULTS: After countries join a US FTA, sales are estimated to increase by: 0·89 (95 % CI 0·16, 1·6; P = 0·016) kg per capita per annum for ultra-processed products, 0·81 (95 % CI 0·47, 1·1; P < 0·001) kg per capita per annum for processed culinary ingredients and 0·17 (95 % CI 0·052, 0·29; P = 0·005) kg per capita under age 5 per annum for baby food. No significant change is estimated for minimally processed foods. In statistical models, large unexplained variations in country-specific trends suggest additional unmeasured country-level factors also impact sales trends following entry into US FTAs. CONCLUSIONS: These findings strongly support the conclusion that joining US FTAs can contribute to detrimental changes in national dietary consumption that increase population risk of non-communicable diseases.

Differences in public support for handgun purchaser licensing.

OBJECTIVE: To assess whether there are differences in support for handgun purchaser licensing. METHODS: We used data from four waves of online, national polling on gun policy. To estimate differences in support for licensing across groups, we categorised respondents by whether they personally owned a gun, lived in a state with handgun purchaser licensing or lived in a state regulating private sales without a licensing system. RESULTS: Eighty-four per cent of adults living in states with licensing supported the policy compared with 74% in states without the law (p<0.001). Seventy-seven per cent of gun owners living in states with licensing supported the policy vs 59% of gun owners in states without licensing (p<0.001). CONCLUSIONS: Support for licensing among gun owners living in states with these laws, many of whom have presumably gone through the process, was much higher than gun owners in states without such laws.

Creating and Disseminating a Resource for State Policy Makers About Injury and Violence Prevention: A Case Example of Translating Research to Policy.

The gap between evidence and policy is a challenge that can be bridged through strategic outreach and translation efforts. We developed and disseminated the Resource for State Policy Makers (the Resource) to lessen the information gap between state policy makers and injury prevention researchers in Maryland. Our goal was to produce and disseminate a resource for policy makers that could be replicated by public health professionals in other states and regions. The Maryland Department of Health assumed production of the Resource in 2017, with assistance from our team. Several states and regions have replicated the Resource for their own jurisdictions. This experience provides an informative case example of one approach to increasing the role of evidence in policy making.

World Trade Organization membership and changes in noncommunicable disease risk factors: a comparative interrupted time-series analysis, 1980-2013.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate the relationship between joining the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the availability of several commodities with both harmful and protective effects for the development of noncommunicable diseases. METHODS: We used a natural experiment design to compare trends in the domestic supply of tobacco, alcohol and seven food groups, between 1980 and 2013, in 21 countries or territories joining WTO after 1995 and 26 non-member countries, using propensity score weights. We applied a comparative interrupted time-series framework, by using multivariate random-effects linear models, adjusted for gross domestic product per capita, the percentages of urban population and female labour force participation. In the tobacco model, we controlled for Member States that had ratified the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control and in the alcohol model, the percentage of the population identifying themselves as Muslim. FINDINGS: Following accession to WTO, member states experienced immediate increases in the domestic supply of fruits and vegetables of 55 g per person per day on average, compared to non-member countries. The analysis showed gradual increases in the geometric mean of the supply of tobacco and alcohol of 6.2% and 3.6% per year, respectively. We did not detect any significant changes in the availability of red meats and animal fats; seafood; nuts, seeds and legumes; starches; or edible oils; and results for sugars were inconsistent across model variations. CONCLUSION: The results suggest that WTO membership may lead to increases in both harmful and protective factors for noncommunicable disease, but further exploration of country-specific variation is warranted.

Local Public Health Policymakers' Views on State Preemption: Results of a National Survey, 2018.

Objectives. To learn about local health policymakers' experiences and responses to preemption-the ability of a higher level of government to limit policy activity at a lower level. Methods. Between March and June 2018, we conducted an anonymous Web-based survey of mayors and health officials in US cities with populations of 150 000 or more. We used descriptive statistics to analyze multiple-choice responses. We analyzed open text responses qualitatively. Results. Survey response rates were 28% (mayors) and 32% (health officials). Nearly all respondents found preemption to be an obstacle to local policymaking. When faced with preemption, 72% of health officials and 60% of mayors abandoned or delayed local policymaking efforts. Conclusions. Preemption is viewed as an impediment across a range of public health issues and may stifle local policy activity (i.e., have a chilling effect). Those working at the local level should consider the potential for preemption whenever seeking to address public health concerns in their communities. Public Health Implications. Local governments should engage with advocates, practitioners, and public health lawyers to learn about successful and failed efforts to meet public health objectives when faced with preemption.

Changes in the legal environment and enforcement of firearm transfer laws in Pennsylvania and Maryland.

The effectiveness of laws depends on circumstances affecting their enforcement. To assess such circumstances for comprehensive background check (CBC) and straw purchase laws for firearm sales, we examined prosecutions for CBC and straw purchase violations in Pennsylvania and CBC violations in Maryland. We generated pre-post variables and conducted t-tests to assess differences in the mean number of prosecutions filed following changes to the legal environments. The annual number of prosecutions for straw purchase violations increased significantly in Pennsylvania following the passage of a law that strengthened penalties for these violations (difference in means = +1310.86, P=0.003). The annual number of prosecutions for CBC violations decreased significantly in Maryland following a court decision that narrowed the definition of a firearm transfer making enforcement more difficult (difference in means = -20.52, P=0.026). Our findings suggest enforcement is likely influenced by the penalties associated with violating these laws and the interpretation of the language of the laws.

Perceived Unintended Consequences of Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs.

BACKGROUND: Opioid-related injuries and deaths continue to present challenges for public health practitioners. Prescription Drug Monitoring Programs (PDMPs) are a prevalent policy option intended to address problematic opioid pain reliever (OPR) prescribing, but previous research has not thoroughly characterized their unintended consequences. OBJECTIVES: To examine state actors' perceptions of the unintended consequences of PDMPs. METHODS: We conducted 37 interviews with PDMP staff, law enforcement officials, and administrative agency employees in Florida, Kentucky, New Jersey, and Ohio from May 2015 to June 2016. RESULTS: We identified six themes from the interviews. Perceived negative unintended consequences included: access barriers for those with medical needs, heroin use as OPR substitute and related deaths, and need for adequate PDMP security infrastructure and management. Perceived positive unintended consequences were: community formation and problem awareness, proactive population-level OPR monitoring, and increased knowledge about population-level drug diversion. Conclusions/Importance: State actors perceive a range of both negative and positive unintended consequences of PDMPs. Our findings suggest that there may be unintended risks of PDMPs that states should address, but also opportunities to maximize certain benefits.

Repeal of Comprehensive Background Check Policies and Firearm Homicide and Suicide.

BACKGROUND: In 2016, firearms killed 38,658 people in the United States. Federal law requires licensed gun dealers, but not private parties, to conduct background checks on prospective firearm purchasers with the goal of preventing prohibited persons from obtaining firearms. Our objective was to estimate the effect of the repeal of comprehensive background check laws-requiring a background check for all handgun sales, not just sales by licensed dealers-on firearm homicide and suicide rates in Indiana and Tennessee. METHODS: We compared age-adjusted firearm homicide and suicide rates, measured annually from 1981 to 2008 and 1994 to 2008 in Indiana and Tennessee, respectively, to rates in control groups constructed using the synthetic control method. RESULTS: The average rates of firearm homicide and suicide in Indiana and Tennessee following repeal were within the range of what could be expected, given natural variation (differences = 0.7 firearm homicides and 0.5 firearm suicides per 100,000 residents in Indiana and 0.4 firearm homicides and 0.3 firearm suicides per 100,000 residents in Tennessee). Sensitivity analyses resulted in similar findings. CONCLUSION: We found no evidence of an association between the repeal of comprehensive background check policies and firearm homicide and suicide rates in Indiana and Tennessee. In order to understand whether comprehensive background check policies reduce firearm deaths in the United States generally, more evidence on the impact of such policies from other states is needed. See video abstract at, http://links.lww.com/EDE/B353.

Public Support for Gun Violence Prevention Policies Among Gun Owners and Non-Gun Owners in 2017.

OBJECTIVES: To compare public support for 24 different gun policies between gun owners and non-gun owners in 2017. METHODS: We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2017 using an online panel to measure US adults' support for 24 gun policies. We compared support among gun owners and non-gun owners. RESULTS: For 23 of the 24 policies examined, most respondents supported restricting or regulating gun ownership. Only 8 of 24 policies had greater than a 10-point support gap between gun owners and non-gun owners. CONCLUSIONS: Policies with high public support and minimal support gaps by gun ownership status included universal background checks, greater accountability for licensed gun dealers unable to account for their inventory, higher safety training standards for concealed carry permit holders, improved reporting of records related to mental illness for background checks, gun prohibitions for persons subject to temporary domestic violence restraining orders, and gun violence restraining orders. Public Health Implications. Although there are important areas where Americans disagree on guns, large majorities of both gun owners and non-gun owners strongly support measures to strengthen US gun laws.

Correction to: Association between Firearm Laws and Homicide in Urban Counties.

The authors would like to publish this erratum to correct estimates generated from regression analyses due to errors discovered in the coding of some state laws.

Association between Firearm Laws and Homicide in Urban Counties.

Laws related to the sale, use, and carrying of firearms have been associated with differences in firearm homicide rates at the state level. Right-to-carry (RTC) and stand your ground (SYG) laws are associated with increases in firearm homicide; permit-to-purchase (PTP) laws and those prohibiting individuals convicted of violent misdemeanors (VM) have been associated with decreases in firearm homicide. Evidence for the effect of comprehensive background checks (CBC) not tied to PTP is inconclusive. Because firearm homicide tends to concentrate in urban areas, this study was designed to test the effects of firearm laws on homicide in large, urban U.S. counties. We conducted a longitudinal study using an interrupted time series design to evaluate the effect of firearm laws on homicide in large, urban U.S. counties from 1984 to 2015 (N = 136). We used mixed effects Poisson regression models with random intercepts for counties and year fixed effects to account for national trends. Models also included county and state characteristics associated with violence. Homicide was stratified by firearm versus all other methods to test for specificity of the laws' effects. PTP laws were associated with a 14% reduction in firearm homicide in large, urban counties (IRR = 0.86, 95% CI 0.82-0.90). CBC-only, SYG, RTC, and VM laws were all associated with increases in firearm homicide. None of the laws were associated with differences in non-firearm homicide rates. These findings are consistent with prior research at the state level showing PTP laws are associated with decreased firearm homicide. Testing the effects of PTP laws specifically in large, urban counties strengthens available evidence by isolating the effects in the geographic locations in which firearm homicides concentrate.

Oral fluid testing for marijuana intoxication: enhancing objectivity for roadside DUI testing.

Reducing marijuana-impaired driving is an important part of any strategy to prevent motor vehicle traffic injuries. In Colorado, the first of eight US states and the District of Columbia to legalise marijuana for recreational use, drivers with positive tests for the presence of marijuana accounted for a larger proportion of fatal MVCs after marijuana commercialisation. The use of blood tests to screen for marijuana intoxication, in Colorado and elsewhere in the USA, poses a number of challenges. Many high-income countries use oral fluid drug testing (OF) to provide roadside evidence of marijuana intoxication. A 2009 Belgium policy implementing OF roadside testing increased true positives and decreased false positives of suspected marijuana-related driving under the influence (DUI) arrests. US policy-makers should consider using roadside OF to increase objectivity and reliability for tests used in marijuana-related DUI arrests.