Object play in Tajikistan: Infants engage with objects despite bounds on play.

Object play is a ubiquitous context for learning. Existing knowledge on infant object interaction has relied on Euro-American samples and observations confined to laboratory playrooms or families' homes, where object play is typically observed indoors and in rooms brimming with toys. Here we examined infants' everyday object play in Tajikistan, where spaces are uniquely laid out and homes are not child-centered and toy-abundant. The restrictive gahvora cradling practice in Tajikistan may indirectly shape how infants access and engage with objects. We documented how much time infants spent in object play, the types and diversity of objects they contacted, and the locations of play-indoors or outside. We observed 59 infants (12-24 months) during a 45-min naturalistic observation when infants were out of the gahvora. Infants engaged with objects 50% of the time. Despite a lack of object diversity, object interactions were frequent and dispersed throughout observations. Walkers tended to divide their object interactions between time spent indoors and outside, but pre-walkers mostly interacted with objects indoors. Caregivers inadvertently shape infants' opportunities for exploration and play through culturally guided childrearing practices. And infants make due: they take it upon themselves to move, explore, and engage-gleaning culturally relevant routines.

Comparison of U.S. and Tajik infants' time in containment devices.

How infants are held or contained throughout the day shape infants' experiences, particularly around movement and exploration. In Tajikistan, caregivers use "gahvora" cradles, which severely restrict the body and limbs. The present study explored the variability and use of containment devices in U.S. and Tajik infants. Using time diaries, we compared 12-month-olds in the U.S. and Tajikistan on the types of containments used and time spent in them throughout the day. During the day, Tajik infants accumulated more time in gahvoras than infants in the U.S. spent in cribs, primarily used for sleep, suggesting gahvoras served other functions. Given the availability of other devices, U.S. infants' time was distributed in short yet frequent bouts across devices. Accumulated time in these containments matched accumulated time Tajik infants spent in gahvoras. Tajik infants accumulated more unrestricted time on the ground, which was distributed in prolonged bouts, than U.S. infants. Findings highlight differences in infants' everyday experiences during the developmental period when motor skills emerge. By embracing commonalities and exploring differences between cultures, this study offers insights into differences in infants' everyday experiences and opportunities for movement.

Do, say, learn: the functions of mothers' speech to infants.

We examined the functions of mothers' speech to infants during two tasks - book-sharing and bead-stringing - in low-income, ethnically diverse families. Mexican, Dominican, and African American mothers and their infants were video-recorded sharing wordless books and toy beads in the home when infants were aged 1;2 and 2;0. Mothers' utterances were classified into seven categories (labels/descriptions, emotion/state language, attention directives, action directives, prohibitions, questions, and vocal elicitations) which were grouped into three broad language functions: referential language, regulatory language, and vocalization prompts. Mothers' ethnicity, years of education, years living in the United States, and infant sex and age related to mothers' language functions. Dominican and Mexican mothers were more likely to use regulatory language than were African American mothers, and African American mothers were more likely to use vocalization prompts than were Latina mothers. Vocalization prompts and referential language increased with mothers' education and Latina mothers' years living in the United States. Finally, mothers of boys used more regulatory language than did mothers of girls. Socio-cultural and developmental contexts shape the pragmatics of mothers' language to infants.

The cultural context of infant development: Variability, specificity, and universality.

Researchers in developmental science often examine parenting and child development by ethnic, racial, and socioeconomic groups, frequently highlighting group differences in parent and infant behaviors. A sole focus on differences, however, obscures notable variability that exists within each community. Moreover, categories such as ethnicity and race are often assumed to encompass shared cultural backgrounds, which risks conflating race, ethnicity, and culture in psychological research. In this chapter, we examine cultural specificity and within-group heterogeneity that characterizes parenting and child development across socio-economic, ethnic, and racial groups. Drawing upon our work on ethnically and socioeconomically diverse parents and infants, we document the between-group differences, within-group variation, and universal processes in the form and content of parent-infant interactions. Most centrally, we highlight the role of family economic, human, and social capital in explaining the variability in parent-infant interactions across racial, ethnic, and cultural groups.