Uncertainty moderates the emotional consequences of reappraisal, social sharing, and rumination in daily life.

People must often wait for important but uncertain outcomes, like medical results or job offers. During such uncertain waiting periods, there is uncertainty around an outcome that people have minimal control over. Uncertainty makes these periods emotionally challenging, raising the possibility that emotion regulation strategies may have different effects while people wait for an uncertain outcome versus after they learn that outcome. To test this possibility, we conducted secondary analyses of an experience sampling study following 101 Belgian University students for 9 days as they waited for (uncertain period), and then received (certain period), consequential exam grades. Across 8,275 observations, we tested the effects of six emotion regulation strategies on positive and negative emotions about anticipated, and then actual, grades. Regardless of uncertainty, acceptance was consistently beneficial for short-term emotional well-being, and expressive suppression was consistently detrimental. However, the consequences of rumination, social sharing, and reappraisal differed when the outcome was uncertain versus certain. Rumination was more detrimental to short-term emotional well-being during the uncertain than certain period, while social sharing and reappraisal were detrimental in the uncertain period but beneficial in the certain period. These findings suggest uncertainty moderates the short-term effectiveness of some emotion regulation strategies in an academic context, which may exacerbate the emotional challenges of uncertain waiting periods. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

The "memory-experience gap" for affect does not reflect a general memory bias to overestimate past affect.

Retrospective self-reports are widely used to measure affect and well-being. But researchers have long assumed that people overestimate affective experiences in retrospect and that retrospective self-reports are thus biased. This is because of the memory-experience gap, a phenomenon in which retrospective ratings for a longer timeframe are higher than the average of repeated ratings for shorter timeframes. This discrepancy is the basis of theories about how some people may overestimate their past feelings in general and a bias in retrospective self-reports. Rather than reflecting a memory bias, however, the discrepancy could be due to differences in how people summarize their feelings over different timeframes. To remove this confound, we used an online convenience sample and measured affect over several timeframes for a week (N = 399; collected in 2022), as well as memory for past affect over the same timeframe. Longer timeframes (e.g., 1 week) were rated higher than shorter timeframes (e.g., averaged across each day of that week) for both negative and positive affect, demonstrating the memory-experience gap. But ratings for each day given at the end of the week, from memory, were lower than those given for each day during the week. Ratings based solely on memory were therefore in the opposite direction to the memory-experience gap. This brings into question the assumption made by some researchers that the "memory-experience gap" reflects a memory bias in retrospective self-reports. Generalizability to other methodological designs, constructs, and populations requires testing. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

SEMA3: A free smartphone platform for daily life surveys.

Traditionally, behavioral, social, and health science researchers have relied on global/retrospective survey methods administered cross-sectionally (i.e., on a single occasion) or longitudinally (i.e., on several occasions separated by weeks, months, or years). More recently, social and health scientists have added daily life survey methods (also known as intensive longitudinal methods or ambulatory assessment) to their toolkit. These methods (e.g., daily diaries, experience sampling, ecological momentary assessment) involve dense repeated assessments in everyday settings. To facilitate research using daily life survey methods, we present SEMA3 ( http://www.SEMA3.com ), a platform for designing and administering intensive longitudinal daily life surveys via Android and iOS smartphones. SEMA3 fills an important gap by providing researchers with a free, intuitive, and flexible platform with basic and advanced functionality. In this article, we describe SEMA3's development history and system architecture, provide an overview of how to design a study using SEMA3 and outline its key features, and discuss the platform's limitations and propose directions for future development of SEMA3.

The effect of image category and incidental arousal on boundary restriction.

People's memory for scenes has consequences, including for eyewitness testimony. Negative scenes may lead to a particular memory error, where narrowed scene boundaries lead people to recall being closer to a scene than they were. But boundary restriction-including attenuation of the opposite phenomenon boundary extension-has been difficult to replicate, perhaps because heightened arousal accompanying negative scenes, rather than negative valence itself, drives the effect. Indeed, in Green et al. (2019) arousal alone, conditioned to a particular neutral image category, increased boundary restriction for images in that category. But systematic differences between image categories may have driven these results, irrespective of arousal. Here, we clarify whether boundary restriction stems from the external arousal stimulus or image category differences. Presenting one image category (everyday-objects), half accompanied by arousal (Experiment 1), and presenting both neutral image categories (everyday-objects, nature), without arousal (Experiment 2), resulted in no difference in boundary judgement errors. These findings suggest that image features-including inherent valence, arousal, and complexity-are not sufficient to induce boundary restriction or reduce boundary extension for neutral images, perhaps explaining why boundary restriction is inconsistently demonstrated in the lab.

Secrecy in Everyday Life.

Secrecy is common, yet we know little about how it plays out in daily life. Most existing research on secrecy is based on methods involving retrospection over long periods of time, failing to capture secrecy "in the wild." Filling this gap, we conducted two studies using intensive longitudinal designs to present the first picture of secrecy in everyday life. We investigated momentary contextual factors and individual differences as predictors of mind-wandering to and concealing secrets. Contextual factors more consistently predicted secrecy experiences than person-level factors. Feeling more negative about a secret predicted a greater likelihood of mind-wandering to the secret. Interacting with the secret target was linked with a greater likelihood of secret concealment. Individual differences were not consistently associated with mind-wandering to secrets. We conclude that daily experiences with secrets may be better predicted by momentary feelings rather than individual differences such as personality traits.

Re-appraising stressors from a distance: effects of linguistic distancing on cognitive appraisals and emotional responses to interpersonal conflict.

Reflecting on stressors from a detached perspective - a strategy known as distancing - can facilitate emotional recovery. Researchers have theorised that distancing works by enabling reappraisals of negative events, yet few studies have investigated specifically how distancing impacts stressor appraisals. In this experiment, we investigated how participants' (N = 355) emotional experience and appraisals of an interpersonal conflict differed depending on whether they wrote event-reflections from a linguistically immersed (first-person) or distanced (second/third-person) perspective. Partly replicating previous findings, distanced reflection predicted increases in positive affect, but not reductions in negative affect, relative to immersed reflection. Linguistic distancing also predicted increases in motivational congruence appraisals (i.e. perceived advantageousness of the event), but did not influence other appraisal dimensions. We discuss how linguistic distancing may facilitate emotional recovery by illuminating the benefits of stressful experiences, enabling people to "see the good in the bad".

Everyday emotional functioning in COVID-19 lockdowns.

Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, policy makers have tried to balance the effectiveness of lockdowns (i.e., stay-at-home orders) with their potential mental health costs. Yet, several years into the pandemic, policy makers lack solid evidence about the toll of lockdowns on daily emotional functioning. Using data from two intensive longitudinal studies conducted in Australia in 2021, we compared the intensity, persistence, and regulation of emotions on days in and out of lockdown. Participants (N = 441, observations = 14,511) completed a 7-day study either entirely in lockdown, entirely out of lockdown, or both in and out of lockdown. We assessed emotions in general (Dataset 1) and in the context of social interactions (Dataset 2). Lockdowns took an emotional toll, but this toll was relatively mild: In lockdown, people experienced slightly more negative and less positive emotion; returned to a mildly negative emotional state more quickly; and used low-effort emotion-regulation strategies (i.e., distraction). There are three interpretations for our findings, which are not mutually exclusive. First, people may be relatively resilient to the emotional challenges posed by repeated lockdowns. Second, lockdowns may not compound the emotional challenges of the pandemic. Third, because we found effects even in a mostly childless and well-educated sample, lockdowns may take a greater emotional toll in samples with less pandemic privilege. Indeed, the high level of pandemic privilege of our sample limits the generalizability of our findings (e.g., to people with caregiving roles). (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Disgust and fear reactions uniquely affect intrusions and posttraumatic stress symptoms.

Disgust reactions commonly occur during/following trauma and predict posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms. Yet, disgust is not mentioned in DSM-5 PTSD criteria. To investigate disgust's clinical significance in PTSD, we measured the relationship between disgust (and fear) reactions to a personal trauma, and problematic intrusion characteristics (e.g., distress) and intrusion symptom severity. We focused on intrusions because they are a transdiagnostic PTSD symptom, though we also measured overall PTS symptoms to replicate prior work. Participants (N = 471) recalled their most traumatic/stressful event from the past six months. They then rated disgust and fear reactions to this event and completed the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist-5. Participants who had experienced intrusions about their event in the past month (n = 261) rated these intrusions on several characteristics (e.g., distress, vividness). We found stronger traumatic event-related disgust reactions were associated with more problematic intrusion characteristics, higher intrusion symptom severity, and higher overall PTS symptom severity. Notably, disgust reactions uniquely predicted these variables after statistically controlling for fear reactions. We conclude disgust reactions to trauma may be similarly pathological to fear reactions for intrusion and broader PTS symptoms. Therefore, PTSD diagnostic manuals and treatments should recognize disgust as a trauma-relevant emotion.

Emotional stimuli similarly disrupt attention in both visual fields.

People often need to filter relevant from irrelevant information. Irrelevant emotional distractors interrupt this process. But does the degree to which emotional distractors disrupt attention depend on which visual field they appear in? We thought it might for two reasons: (1) people pay slightly more attention to the left than the right visual field, and (2) some research suggests the right-hemisphere (which, in early visual processing, receives left visual field input) has areas specialised for processing emotion. Participants viewed a rapid image-stream in each visual field and reported the rotation of an embedded neutral target preceded by a negative or neutral distractor. We predicted that the degree to which negative (vs. neutral) distractors impaired target detection would be larger when targets appeared in the left than the right stream. This hypothesis was supported, but only when the distractor and target could appear in the same or opposite stream as each other (Experiments 2a-b), not when they always appeared in the same stream as each other (Experiments 1a-1b). However, this effect was driven by superior left-stream accuracy following neutral distractors, and similar left- and right-stream accuracy following negative distractors. Emotional distractors therefore override visuospatial asymmetries and disrupt attention, regardless of visual field.

Ready for the worst? Negative affect in anticipation of a stressor does not protect against affective reactivity.

INTRODUCTION: Lay wisdom suggests feeling negative while awaiting an upcoming stressor-anticipatory negative affect-shields against the blow of the subsequent stressor. However, evidence is mixed, with different lines of research and theory indirectly suggesting that anticipatory negative affect is helpful, harmful, or has no effect on emotional outcomes. In two studies, we aimed to reconcile these competing views by examining the affective trajectory across hours, days, and months, separating affective reactivity and recovery. METHODS: In Study 1, first-year students (N = 101) completed 9 days of experience sampling (10 surveys/day) as they received their first-semester exam grades, and a follow-up survey 5 months later. In Study 2, participants (N = 73) completed 2 days of experience sampling (60 surveys/day) before and after a Trier Social Stress Test. We investigated the association between anticipatory negative affect and the subsequent affective trajectory, investigating (1) reactivity immediately after the stressor, (2) recovery across hours (Study 2) and days (Study 1), and (3) recovery after 5 months (Study 1). RESULTS: Across the two studies, feeling more negative in anticipation of a stressor was either associated with increased negative affective reactivity, or unassociated with affective outcomes. CONCLUSION: These results run counter to the idea that being affectively ready for the worst has psychological benefits, suggesting that instead, anticipatory negative affect can come with affective costs.

Social Support Predicts Differential Use, but not Differential Effectiveness, of Expressive Suppression and Social Sharing in Daily Life.

While emotion regulation often happens in the presence of others, little is known about how social context shapes regulatory efforts and outcomes. One key element of the social context is social support. In two experience sampling studies (Ns = 179 and 123), we examined how the use and affective consequences of two fundamentally social emotion-regulation strategies-social sharing and expressive suppression-vary as a function of perceived social support. Across both studies, we found evidence that social support was associated with variation in people's use of these strategies, such that when people perceived their environments as being higher (vs. lower) in social support, they engaged in more sharing and less suppression. However, we found only limited and inconsistent support for context-dependent affective outcomes of suppression and sharing: suppression was associated with better affective consequences in the context of higher perceived social support in Study 1, but this effect did not replicate in Study 2. Taken together, these findings suggest that the use of social emotion-regulation strategies may depend on contextual variability in social support, whereas their effectiveness does not. Future research is needed to better understand the circumstances in which context-dependent use of emotion regulation may have emotional benefits, accounting for personal, situational, and cultural factors. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-022-00123-8.

Blinded by and Stuck in Negative Emotions: Is Psychological Inflexibility Across Different Domains Related?

Psychological inflexibility is theorized to underlie difficulties adjusting mental processes in response to changing circumstances. People show inflexibility across a range of domains, including attention, cognition, and affect. But it remains unclear whether common mechanisms underlie inflexibility in different domains. We investigated this possibility in a pre-registered replication and extension examining associations among attentional, cognitive, and affective inflexibility measures. Participants (N = 196) completed lab tasks assessing (a) emotion-induced blindness, the tendency for task-irrelevant emotional stimuli to impair attention allocation to non-emotional stimuli; (b) emotional inertia, the tendency for feelings to persist across time and contexts; and global self-report measures of (c) repetitive negative thinking, the tendency to repeatedly engage in negative self-focused thoughts (i.e., rumination, worry). Based on prior research linking repetitive negative thinking with negative affect inertia, on one hand, and emotion-induced blindness, on the other, we predicted positive correlations among all three measures of inflexibility. However, none of the three measures were related and Bayes factors indicated strong evidence for independence. Supplementary analyses ruled out alternative explanations for our findings, e.g., analytic decisions. Although our findings question the overlap between attentional, cognitive, and affective inflexibility measures, this study has methodological limitations. For instance, our measures varied across more than their inflexibility domain and our sample, relative to previous studies, included a high proportion of Asian participants who may show different patterns of ruminative thinking to non-Asian participants. Future research should address these limitations to confirm that common mechanisms do not underlie attentional, cognitive, and affective inflexibility. Supplementary Information: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s42761-022-00145-2.

The Real Ideal: Misestimation of Body Mass Index.

In Western cultures, the ideal body for women is thin and toned. Idealization of thinness has led many women to desire bodies with an underweight body mass index (BMI). The present study investigated women's knowledge of BMI, particularly relating to their own body ideals, to determine whether women knowingly idealize bodies categorized as "underweight." In August 2020, one-hundred and forty-seven US women aged 18 to 25 completed two online tasks in a repeated-measures design. First, participants estimated the BMIs of a series of bodies. Then, participants selected representations of their own and ideal bodies from a figure rating scale and estimated the BMIs of their selections. Participants generally mis-estimated the BMI of bodies, but did so to a greater extent when viewing bodies as an extension of their own, i.e., following the figure rating scale task. Further, if participants selected an underweight or overweight ideal body, they were likely to estimate this body was within a "normal" weight BMI range, demonstrating that women who idealize underweight-or overweight-bodies do so unknowingly. These findings suggest misperceptions of women's own ideal body size are often greater than misperceptions of other bodies, potentially driving the tendency to idealize underweight bodies.

Posttraumatic stress disorder symptom severity and functional impairment in the education domain.

To comprehensively understand and treat Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), we need to accurately assess how PTSD symptoms affect people's daily functioning (e.g., in work, study, and relationships). However, the predominant use of self-report functional impairment measures-which are not validated against observable behavior-limits our understanding of this issue. To address this gap, we examined the relationship between posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms (including symptom clusters) and subjective and objective measures of functional impairment in the education domain. University students completed online self-report measures of educational impairment, PTS symptoms, intelligence and childhood trauma. We accessed participants' average grades at the end of the semester in which they participated. After controlling for IQ and childhood trauma, increased PTS symptoms were associated with both higher subjective educational impairment and lower Grade Point Average; this relationship was strongest for subjective global ratings of educational impairment, compared to educational impairment assessed according to specific examples. Our results suggest conceptual overlap between symptoms and impairment, and point to the benefit of using both objective and subjective modes of assessing impairment.

Food for thought: Commentary on Burnette et al. (2021) "Concerns and recommendations for using Amazon MTurk for eating disorder research".

Burnette et al. aimed to validate two eating disorder symptom measures among transgender adults recruited from Mechanical Turk (MTurk). After identifying several data quality issues, Burnette et al. abandoned this aim and instead documented the issues they faced (e.g., demographic misrepresentation, repeat submissions, inconsistent responses across similar questions, failed attention checks). Consequently, Burnette et al. raised concerns about the use of MTurk for psychological research, particularly in an eating disorder context. However, we believe these claims are overstated because they arise from a single study not designed to test MTurk data quality. Further, despite claiming to go "above and beyond" current recommendations, Burnette et al. missed key screening procedures. In particular, they missed procedures known to prevent participants who use commercial data centers (i.e., server farms) to hide their true IP address and complete multiple surveys for financial gain. In this commentary, we outline key screening procedures that allow researchers to obtain quality MTurk data. We also highlight the importance of balancing efforts to increase data quality with efforts to maintain sample diversity. With appropriate screening procedures, which should be preregistered, MTurk remains a viable participant source that requires further validation in an eating disorder context.

Characteristics and clinical implications of the relationship between veganism and pathological eating behaviours.

OBJECTIVE: Veganism may serve as a socially acceptable means to restrict food intake and disguise pathological eating behaviours. Studies that include vegan participants typically group them with other meat avoiders (e.g., vegetarians), potentially masking risk factors unique to veganism. METHOD: We addressed this issue by recruiting two Amazon Mechanical Turk samples of 110 vegan and 118 omnivore participants, with comparable gender composition. We aimed to examine whether vegans showed higher disordered eating than omnivores, and if motives for pursuing a vegan diet impacted disordered eating. We assessed disordered eating using the Eating Attitudes Test, the Eating Disorder Examination-Questionnaire, and the Eating Pathology Symptom Inventory. RESULTS: Vegans displayed more pathological eating behaviours than omnivores, which was significantly predicted by cognitive restraint. However, body dissatisfaction levels were higher in omnivores than vegans. Diet motives did not influence vegans' disordered eating. CONCLUSION: We propose vegans have high levels of cognitive restraint, possibly due to their intention to avoid animal products. In turn, cognitive restraint subscales in eating disorder measures might be over-pathologising rates of eating disorders in vegans. Future research should monitor the progression of people's eating-related attitudes and behaviours before and after they transition to veganism to establish whether veganism increases the risk of disordered eating, or vice versa. LEVEL OF EVIDENCE: IV, cross-sectional study.

Mechanisms underlying memory enhancement for disgust over fear.

Disgust is remembered better than fear, despite both emotions being highly negative and arousing. But the mechanisms underlying this effect are not well-understood. Therefore, we compared two proposed mechanisms underlying superior memory for disgust. According to the memory consolidation mechanism, it is harder (but crucial) to remember potentially contaminating vs. threatening stimuli. Hence, disgust elicits additional memory consolidation processes to fear. According to the attention mechanism, it takes longer to establish if disgust (relative to fear) stimuli are dangerous. Hence, people pay more attention to disgust during encoding. Both mechanisms could boost memory for disgust. Ninety-eight participants encoded disgust, fear, and neutral images whilst completing a simple task to measure attention. After 10- or 45-min delay, participants freely recalled the images. We found enhanced memory for disgust relative to fear after 10- and 45-min delay, but this effect was larger after 45-min. Participants paid more attention to disgust than fear images during encoding. However, mixed effect models showed increased attention did not contribute to enhanced memory for disgust. Our results therefore support the memory consolidation mechanism.

Food and alcohol disturbance in a broad age-range adult sample.

Food and alcohol disturbance involves restricting, purging, or excessively exercising to compensate for the calories consumed from drinking alcohol, or to enhance intoxication levels. But these compensatory behaviors, colloquially termed "drunkorexia," have only been investigated in young adult samples-primarily college students-who are presumed to be at risk due to their high episodic drinking rates. Therefore, this study sought preliminary evidence that food and alcohol disturbance occurs in a broader age-range sample of adult drinkers. We recruited 253 participants aged 18 to 76 (Mage = 38.71) from Mechanical Turk. Rates of food and alcohol disturbance (measured by the Compensatory Eating Behaviors in Response to Alcohol Consumption) were high: 64% of the sample endorsed performing at least one compensatory behavior in the past three months. There were no gender differences in overall prevalence, though men were more likely than women to engage in food and alcohol disturbance to enhance intoxication levels. Drinking habits, drinking motivated by conformity, and abnormal eating attitudes were the strongest predictors of food and alcohol disturbance. However, eating attitudes were a stronger predictor of these behaviors in men than women, whilst drinking habits were a stronger predictor of these behaviors in women than men. The high prevalence of food and alcohol disturbance in our broad age-range sample, alongside the far-reaching health consequences of these behaviors, highlights the need for increased awareness in younger, middle, and older adults alike.

Right Hemisphere Memory Bias Does Not Extend to Involuntary Memories for Negative Scenes.

Attention is unequally distributed across the visual field. Due to greater right than left hemisphere activation for visuospatial attention, people attend slightly more to the left than the right side. As a result, people voluntarily remember visual stimuli better when it first appears in the left than the right visual field. But does this effect-termed a right hemisphere memory bias-also enhance involuntary memory? We manipulated the presentation location of 100 highly negative images (chosen to increase the likelihood that participants would experience any involuntary memories) in three conditions: predominantly leftward (right hemisphere bias), predominantly rightward (left hemisphere bias), or equally in both visual fields (bilateral). We measured subsequent involuntary memories immediately and for 3 days after encoding. Contrary to predictions, biased hemispheric processing did not affect short- or long-term involuntary memory frequency or duration. Future research should measure hemispheric differences at retrieval, rather than just encoding.

Why the COVID-19 pandemic is a traumatic stressor.

The COVID-19 pandemic does not fit into prevailing Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) models, or diagnostic criteria, yet emerging research shows traumatic stress symptoms as a result of this ongoing global stressor. Current pathogenic event models focus on past, and largely direct, trauma exposure to certain kinds of life-threatening events. Yet, traumatic stress reactions to future, indirect trauma exposure, and non-Criterion A events exist, suggesting COVID-19 is also a traumatic stressor which could lead to PTSD symptomology. To examine this idea, we asked a sample of online participants (N = 1,040), in five western countries, to indicate the COVID-19 events they had been directly exposed to, events they anticipated would happen in the future, and other forms of indirect exposure such as through media coverage. We then asked participants to complete the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist-5, adapted to measure pre/peri/post-traumatic reactions in relation to COVID-19. We also measured general emotional reactions (e.g., angry, anxious, helpless), well-being, psychosocial functioning, and depression, anxiety, and stress symptoms. We found participants had PTSD-like symptoms for events that had not happened and when participants had been directly (e.g., contact with virus) or indirectly exposed to COVID-19 (e.g., via media). Moreover, 13.2% of our sample were likely PTSD-positive, despite types of COVID-19 "exposure" (e.g., lockdown) not fitting DSM-5 criteria. The emotional impact of "worst" experienced/anticipated events best predicted PTSD-like symptoms. Taken together, our findings support emerging research that COVID-19 can be understood as a traumatic stressor event capable of eliciting PTSD-like responses and exacerbating other related mental health problems (e.g., anxiety, depression, psychosocial functioning, etc.). Our findings add to existing literature supporting a pathogenic event memory model of traumatic stress.