Investigating the Black Birth Experience: A Race-Stratified Analysis of Preterm Birth Risk and Exposure to Metropolitan Statistical Area-Level Police-Related Deaths, US 2018-2019.

Police-related violence may be a source of chronic stress underlying entrenched racial inequities in reproductive health in the USA. Using publicly available data on police-related fatalities, we estimated total and victim race-specific rates of police-related fatalities (deaths per 100,000 population) in 2018-2019 for Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA) and counties within MSAs in the USA. Rates were linked to data on live births by maternal MSA and county of residence. We fit adjusted log-Poisson models with generalized estimating equations and cluster-robust standard errors to estimate the relative risk of preterm birth associated with the middle and highest tertiles of police-related fatalities compared to the lowest tertile. We included a test for heterogeneity by maternal race/ethnicity and additionally fit race/ethnicity-stratified models for associations with victim race/ethnicity-specific police-related fatality rates. Fully adjusted models indicated significant adverse associations between police-related fatality rates and relative risk of preterm birth for the total population, non-Hispanic Black, and non-Hispanic White groups separately. Results confirm the role of fatal police violence as a social determinant of population health outcomes and inequities, including preterm birth.

Neighborhood Proactive Policing and Racial Inequities in Preterm Birth in New Orleans, 2018‒2019.

Objectives. To measure neighborhood exposure to proactive policing as a manifestation of structural racism and its association with preterm birth. Methods. We linked all birth records in New Orleans, Louisiana (n = 9102), with annual census tract rates of proactive police stops using data from the New Orleans Police Department (2018-2019). We fit multilevel Poisson models predicting preterm birth across quintiles of stop rates, controlling for several individual- and tract-level covariates. Results. Nearly 20% of Black versus 8% of White birthing people lived in neighborhoods with the highest rates of proactive police stops. Fully adjusted models among Black birthing people suggest the prevalence of preterm birth in the neighborhoods with the highest proactive policing rates was 1.41 times that of neighborhoods with the lowest rates (95% confidence interval = 1.04, 1.93), but associations among White birthing people were not statistically significant. Conclusions. Taken together with previous research, high rates of proactive policing likely contribute to Black‒White inequities in reproductive health. Public Health Implications. Proactive policing is widely implemented to deter violence, but alternative strategies without police should be considered to prevent potential adverse health consequences. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(S1):S21-S28. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307079).

Invited Commentary: Comparing Approaches to Measuring Structural Racism.

In their article, Adkins-Jackson et al. (Am J Epidemiol. 2022;191(4):539-547) provide much needed insight on current approaches and challenges to epidemiologic research on structural racism. The authors encourage researchers to consider how structural racism is conceptualized in extant and future work, and whether existing measures accurately reflect the multidimensional nature of structural racism. In the spirit of continuing this conversation, I expand upon approaches to measuring structural racism. I compare the merits and challenges of scales, indexes, indicators, and policy-based measures of structural racism for use in epidemiologic research.

Racial Disparities in Neighborhood Arrest Rates during the COVID-19 Pandemic.

Structural racism in police contact is an important driver of health inequities among the U.S. urban population. Hyper-policing and police violence in marginalized communities have risen to the top of the national policy agenda, particularly since protests in 2020. How did pandemic conditions impact policing? We assess neighborhood racial disparities in arrests after COVID-19 stay-at-home orders in Boston, Charleston, Pittsburgh, and San Francisco census tracts (January 2019-August 2020). Using interrupted time series models with census tract fixed effects, we report arrest rates across tract racial and ethnic compositions. In the weeks following stay-at-home orders, overall arrest rates were 39% lower (95% CI: 37-41%) on average compared to rates the year prior. Although arrest rates steadily increased thereafter, most tracts did not reach pre-pandemic arrest levels. However, despite declines in nearly all census tracts, the magnitude of racial inequities in arrests remained unchanged. During the initial weeks of the pandemic, arrest rates declined significantly in areas with higher Black populations, but average rates in Black neighborhoods remained higher than pre-pandemic arrest rates in White neighborhoods. These findings support urban policy reforms that reconsider police capacity and presence, particularly as a mechanism for enforcing public health ordinances and reducing racial disparities.

Prenatal healthcare after sentencing reform: heterogeneous effects for prenatal healthcare access and equity.

BACKGROUND: High rates of imprisonment in the U.S. have significant health, social, and economic consequences, particularly for marginalized communities. This study examines imprisonment as a contextual driver of receiving prenatal care by evaluating whether early and adequate prenatal care improved after Pennsylvania's criminal sentencing reform reduced prison admissions. METHODS: We linked individual-level birth certificate microdata on births (n = 999,503) in Pennsylvania (2009-2015), to monthly county-level rates of prison admissions. We apply an interrupted time series approach that contrasts post-policy changes in early and adequate prenatal care across counties where prison admissions were effectively reduced or continued to rise. We then tested whether prenatal care improvements were stronger among Black birthing people and those with lower levels of educational attainment. RESULTS: In counties where prison admissions declined the most after the policy, early prenatal care increased from 69.0% to 73.2%, and inadequate prenatal care decreased from 18.1% to 15.9%. By comparison, improvements in early prenatal care were smaller in counties where prison admissions increased the most post-policy (73.5 to 76.4%) and there was no change to prenatal care inadequacy (14.4% pre and post). We find this pattern of improvements to be particularly strong among Black birthing people and those with lower levels of educational attainment. CONCLUSIONS: Pennsylvania's sentencing reforms were associated with small advancements in racial and socioeconomic equity in prenatal care.

Gentrification, Neighborhood Change, and Population Health: a Systematic Review.

Despite a proliferation of research on neighborhood effects on health, how neighborhood economic development, in the form of gentrification, affects health and well-being in the USA is poorly understood, and no systematic assessment of the potential health impacts has been conducted. Further, we know little about whether health impacts differ for residents of neighborhoods undergoing gentrification versus urban development, or other forms of neighborhood socioeconomic ascent. We followed current guidelines for systematic reviews and present data on the study characteristics of the 22 empirical articles that met our inclusion criteria and were published on associations between gentrification, and similar but differently termed processes (e.g., urban regeneration, urban development, neighborhood upgrading), and health published between 2000 and 2018. Our results show that impacts on health vary by outcome assessed, exposure measurement, the larger context-specific determinants of neighborhood change, and analysis decisions including which reference and treatment groups to examine. Studies of the health impacts of gentrification, urban development, and urban regeneration describe similar processes, and synthesis and comparison of their results helps bridge differing theoretical approaches to this emerging research. Our article helps to inform the debate on the impacts of gentrification and urban development for health and suggests that these neighborhood change processes likely have both detrimental and beneficial effects on health. Given the influence of place on health and the trend of increasing gentrification and urban development in many American cities, we discuss how future research can approach understanding and researching the impacts of these processes for population health.

Breast Cancer Estrogen Receptor Status According to Biological Generation: US Black and White Women Born 1915-1979.

Evidence suggests that contemporary population distributions of estrogen-receptor (ER) status among breast cancer patients may be shaped by earlier major societal events, such as the 1965 abolition of legal racial discrimination in the United States (state and local "Jim Crow" laws) and the Great Famine in China (1959-1961). We analyzed changes in ER status in relation to Jim Crow birthplace among the 46,417 black and 339,830 white US-born, non-Hispanic women in the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) 13 Registry Group who were born between 1915 and 1979 and diagnosed (ages 25-84 years, inclusive) during 1992-2012. We grouped the cases according to birth cohort and quantified the rate of change using the haldane (which scales change in relation to biological generation). The percentage of ER-positive cases rose according to birth cohort (1915-1919 to 1975-1979) only among women diagnosed before age 55. Changes according to biological generation were greater among black women than among white women, and among black women, they were greatest among those born in Jim Crow (versus non-Jim Crow) states, with this group being the only group to exhibit high haldane values (>|0.3|, indicating high rate of change). Our study's analytical approach and findings underscore the need to consider history and societal context when analyzing ER status among breast cancer patients and racial/ethnic inequities in its distribution.

Product reformulation and nutritional improvements after new competitive food standards in schools.

OBJECTIVE: In 2012, Massachusetts enacted school competitive food and beverage standards similar to national Smart Snacks. These standards aim to improve the nutritional quality of competitive snacks. It was previously demonstrated that a majority of foods and beverages were compliant with the standards, but it was unknown whether food manufacturers reformulated products in response to the standards. The present study assessed whether products were reformulated after standards were implemented; the availability of reformulated products outside schools; and whether compliance with the standards improved the nutrient composition of competitive snacks. DESIGN: An observational cohort study documenting all competitive snacks sold before (2012) and after (2013 and 2014) the standards were implemented. SETTING: The sample included thirty-six school districts with both a middle and high school. RESULTS: After 2012, energy, saturated fat, Na and sugar decreased and fibre increased among all competitive foods. By 2013, 8 % of foods were reformulated, as were an additional 9 % by 2014. Nearly 15 % of reformulated foods were look-alike products that could not be purchased at supermarkets. Energy and Na in beverages decreased after 2012, in part facilitated by smaller package sizes. CONCLUSIONS: Massachusetts' law was effective in improving the nutritional content of snacks and product reformulation helped schools adhere to the law. This suggests fully implementing Smart Snacks standards may similarly improve the foods available in schools nationally. However, only some healthier reformulated foods were available outside schools.

Jim Crow and estrogen-receptor-negative breast cancer: US-born black and white non-Hispanic women, 1992-2012.

PURPOSE: It is unknown whether Jim Crow-i.e., legal racial discrimination practiced by 21 US states and the District of Columbia and outlawed by the US Civil Rights Act in 1964-affects US cancer outcomes. We hypothesized that Jim Crow birthplace would be associated with higher risk of estrogen-receptor-negative (ER-) breast tumors among US black, but not white, women and also a higher black versus white risk for ER- tumors. METHODS: We analyzed data from the SEER 13 registry group (excluding Alaska) for 47,157 US-born black non-Hispanic and 348,514 US-born white non-Hispanic women, aged 25-84 inclusive, diagnosed with primary invasive breast cancer between 1 January 1992 and 31 December 2012. RESULTS: Jim Crow birthplace was associated with increased odds of ER- breast cancer only among the black, not white women, with the effect strongest for women born before 1965. Among black women, the odds ratio (OR) for an ER- tumor, comparing women born in a Jim Crow versus not Jim Crow state, equaled 1.09 (95% confidence interval [CI] 1.06, 1.13), on par with the OR comparing women in the worst versus best census tract socioeconomic quintiles (1.15; 95% CI 1.07, 1.23). The black versus white OR for ER- was higher among women born in Jim Crow versus non-Jim Crow states (1.41 [95% CI 1.13, 1.46] vs. 1.27 [95% CI 1.24, 1.31]). CONCLUSIONS: The unique Jim Crow effect for US black women for breast cancer ER status underscores why analysis of racial/ethnic inequities must be historically contextualized.

The high prevalence of undiagnosed prostate cancer at autopsy: implications for epidemiology and treatment of prostate cancer in the Prostate-specific Antigen-era.

Widespread prostate-specific antigen (PSA) screening detects many cancers that would have otherwise gone undiagnosed. To estimate the prevalence of unsuspected prostate cancer, we reviewed 19 studies of prostate cancer discovered at autopsy among 6,024 men. Among men aged 70-79, tumor was found in 36% of Caucasians and 51% of African-Americans. This enormous prevalence, coupled with the high sensitivity of PSA screening, has led to the marked increase in the apparent incidence of prostate cancer. The impact of PSA screening on clinical practice is well-recognized, but its effect on epidemiologic research is less appreciated. Before screening, a larger proportion of incident prostate cancers had lethal potential and were diagnosed at advanced stage. However, in the PSA era, overall incident prostate cancer mainly is indolent disease, and often reflects the propensity to be screened and biopsied. Studies must therefore focus on cancers with lethal potential, and include long follow-up to accommodate the lead time induced by screening. Moreover, risk factor patterns differ markedly for potentially lethal and indolent disease, suggesting separate etiologies and distinct disease entities. Studies of total incident or indolent prostate cancer are of limited clinical utility, and the main focus of research should be on prostate cancers of lethal potential.

Who are the "police" in "police violence"? Fatal violence by U.S. law enforcement agencies across levels of government.

BACKGROUND: Police violence is increasingly recognized as an urgent public health problem. Basic questions about police violence, however, remain unanswered, including which types of law enforcement agency are responsible for fatal police violence deaths. METHODS: We estimated the proportion of police violence deaths in the U.S. (2013-2022) that were attributable to local, county, state, federal, or tribal police agencies, using mapping police violence data. We examined proportions overall, by decedent race/ethnicity, and by state. RESULTS: Nationally, 60% of decedents were killed by municipal, 29% by county, 8% by state, and 3% by federal, police, with < 1% killed by tribal or other officers. These proportions varied by race/ethnicity, with 56% of Native American decedents killed by municipal police compared to 70-75% among other racially minoritized people. While municipal police were responsible for most deaths in most states, in the Southeast, county police predominated. In some Northeastern states (and Alaska), state police were responsible for > 40% of deaths. CONCLUSIONS: We identify wide geographic & racial/ethnic variation in the agencies responsible for fatal police violence. Findings suggest that the budgetary and infrastructural shifts required to prevent fatal police violence need to occur at multiple levels of government.

Organized abandonment under racial capitalism: Measuring accountable actors of structural racism for public health research and action.

Understanding the shifting nature of structural racism historically and across institutions is vital for effective action towards racial health equity. While public health research on structural racism is rapidly increasing, most studies are missing the interdependence of policies and institutional practices over time that shape power imbalances and lead to entrenched health inequities. Here, we discuss Ruth Wilson Gilmore's concept of organized abandonment - the intentional disinvestment in communities which, in turn, creates opportunities for extraction, revenue generation, and carceral enforcement to fill the cracks of a compromised social infrastructure - to encourage action-oriented public health research that is grounded in history and an understanding of racial capitalism. We present a case example using publicly-available data on redlining, gentrification and policing in Seattle, Washington. We mapped the intersections of redlining and gentrification and estimated their neighborhood-level association with police activity using Bayesian spatial Poisson regression models. We found that histories of racist housing policies like redlining and processes of gentrification are interdependent and shape contemporary neighborhood racial and economic segregation and police activity. Compared to structurally advantaged neighborhoods, police stops were higher in neighborhoods that were 1) historically disinvested (i.e. redlined) and remain low-income and structurally disadvantaged and 2) formerly industrial and business districts that were not redlined and are now gentrified. Notably, we found that policing practices were significantly more intensive in neighborhoods that were both high redlined and gentrified. Together, these findings illustrate how the place-based racialized processes of dispossession, displacement and policing are deeply intertwined to maintain racial capitalism. Our findings also highlight the importance of examining multiple racialized processes simultaneously to fill critical gaps in the existing literature that are necessary for sustainable solutions to address structural racism.

Evaluating Firearm Violence After New Jersey's Cash Bail Reform.

Importance: Reducing the pretrial detention population has been a cornerstone of movements to end mass incarceration. Across many US cities, there are ongoing public debates on policies that would end pretrial detention due to the inability to afford bail, with some raising concerns that doing so would increase community violence. Objective: To evaluate changes in firearm violence after New Jersey's 2017 bail reform policy that eliminated financial barriers to avoiding pretrial detention. Design, Setting, and Participants: This case-control study used synthetic control methods to examine changes in firearm mortality and combined fatal and nonfatal shootings in New Jersey (2014-2019). New Jersey was chosen because it was one of the first states to systematically implement cash bail reform. Outcomes in New Jersey were compared with a weighted combination of 36 states that did not implement any kind of reform to pretrial detention during the study period. Data were analyzed from April 2023 to March 2024. Exposure: Implementation of New Jersey's cash bail reform law in 2017. Main Outcomes and Measures: Quarterly rates of fatal and nonfatal firearm assault injuries and firearm self-harm injuries per 100 000 people. Results: Although New Jersey's pretrial detention population dramatically decreased under bail reform, the study did not find evidence of increases in overall firearm mortality (average treatment effect on the treated, -0.26 deaths per 100 000) or gun violence (average treatment effect on the treated, -0.24 deaths per 100 000), or within racialized groups during the postpolicy period. Conclusions and Relevance: Incarceration and gun violence are major public health problems impacting racially and economically marginalized groups. Cash bail reform may be an important tool for reducing pretrial detention and advancing health equity without exacerbating community violence.

Structural Racism-Related State Laws and Healthcare Access Among Black, Latine, and White U.S. Adults.

Racialized healthcare inequities in the USA remain glaring, yet root causes are understudied. To address this gap, we created a state-level structural racism legal index (SRLI) using the Structural Racism-Related State Law Database and analyzed its association with racialized inequities in four outcomes (lacking health insurance coverage, lacking a personal doctor, avoiding care due to cost, lacking a routine check-up) from the 2013 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (N = 454,834). To obtain predicted probabilities by SRLI quartiles (Q1 = less structural racism, Q4 = more structural racism) and racialized group, we fit survey-weighted multilevel logistic models adjusted for individual- and state-level covariates. We found substantial healthcare access inequities across racialized groups within SRLI quartiles and less pronounced, but still meaningful, inequities within racialized groups across SRLI quartiles. For example, the predicted probabilities of lacking health insurance coverage across SRLI quartiles ranged from 13 to 20% among Black adults, 31 to 41% among Latine adults, and 8 to 11% among White adults. Across racialized groups in Q4 states, predicted probabilities ranged from 11% among White adults to 41% among Latine adults. Similar patterns were observed for lacking a personal doctor and avoiding care due to cost. Findings underscore the need to address structural racism in laws and policies to mitigate these inequities.

Neighbourhood-level policing as a racialised gendered stressor: multilevel analysis of police stops and preterm birth in Seattle, Washington.

BACKGROUND: Most studies capturing the health effects of police violence focus on directly impacted individuals, but a burgeoning field of study is capturing the indirect, community-level health effects of policing. Few empirical studies have examined neighbourhood-level policing, a contextual and racialised gendered stressor, in relation to preterm birth risk among Black and other racially minoritised people. METHODS: We spatially linked individual birth records (2017-2019) in Seattle, Washington (n=25 909) with geocoded data on police stops for three exposure windows: year before pregnancy, first and second trimester. We fit race-stratified multilevel modified Poisson regression models predicting preterm birth (<37 gestational weeks) across tertiles of neighbourhood stop rates controlling for individual and neighbourhood-level covariates. For the second trimester exposure window, birth was operationalised as a time-to-event outcome using multilevel Cox proportional hazard models. RESULTS: Neighbourhood stop rates of Black residents was higher compared with White residents, and Black and Asian pregnant people were exposed to the highest median neighbourhood-level stop rates. Black birthing people living in neighbourhoods with more frequent police stops had increased risk of preterm birth across all exposure windows including the year before pregnancy (adjusted risk ratio (aRR): 1.38, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.85), first trimester (aRR:1.74, 95% CI 1.17 to 2.57) and second trimester (aHR: 1.66, 95% CI 1.14 to 2.42). We found null or inverse associations among Asian, Hispanic and White people. CONCLUSION: Our study adds to the growing evidence documenting associations of higher risk of preterm birth with neighbourhood police stops among Black birthing people. These findings suggest that routine police practices are one aspect of structural racism contributing to racialised perinatal health inequities.

A two-stage bayesian model for assessing the geography of racialized economic segregation and premature mortality across US counties.

Racialized economic segregation, a key metric that simultaneously accounts for spatial, social and income polarization in communities, has been linked to adverse health outcomes, including morbidity and mortality. Due to the spatial nature of this metric, the association between health outcomes and racialized economic segregation could also change with space. Most studies assessing the relationship between racialized economic segregation and health outcomes have always treated racialized economic segregation as a fixed effect and ignored the spatial nature of it. This paper proposes a two-stage Bayesian statistical framework that provides a broad, flexible approach to studying the spatially varying association between premature mortality and racialized economic segregation while accounting for neighborhood-level latent health factors across US counties. The two-stage framework reduces the dimensionality of spatially correlated data and highlights the importance of accounting for spatial autocorrelation in racialized economic segregation measures, in health equity focused settings.

School closures significantly reduced arrests of black and latinx urban youth.

BACKGROUND & METHODS: Youth of color are surveilled and arrested by police at higher rates than their White peers, contributing to racial inequities across the life course and in population health. Previous research points to schools as an increasingly relevant site for youth criminalization, but existing studies emphasize within-school mechanisms, with limited analysis of policing in surrounding school areas. To fill this gap, we study changes in police arrests of youth after initial COVID-19 school closures in 2020 across four US cities overall and in relation to public school locations. We analyze geocoded arrest records and use interrupted time series negative binomial regression models with city and month fixed effects to estimate change in weekly arrest rates among White, Black, and Latinx youth. We estimate arrest densities within school areas before and after school closures using spatial buffers of 300 feet. RESULTS: In the immediate weeks and months following COVID-19 pandemic school closures, youth arrest rates fell dramatically and with lasting impacts compared to other age groups. During the period of remote learning, weekly youth arrest rates declined by 54.0% compared to youth arrests rates in 2019, adjusting for city and seasonality (Incident Rate Ratio 0.46, 95% CI: 0.41, 0.52). We estimate Black youth weekly arrests fell from 43.6 to 16.8 per 100,000, vs. 4.6 to 2.2 per 100,000 among White youth. However, Black youth arrest rates during the remote learning period were still nearly 5 times that of White youth pre-pandemic. We also find that youth arrest rates declined during two school closure periods: at the start of the pandemic in 2020 and during Summer 2019. A spatial analysis shows Black and Latinx youth arrest densities in the surrounding 300 feet of K-12 schools were at least 15 and 8.5 times that of White youth, respectively, in both pre- and remote-learning periods. CONCLUSIONS: Black and Latinx youth face a higher likelihood of being arrested near a school than do White youth and older age groups, and racial inequities in arrests remains after school closures. Our findings show school closures significantly reduced arrests of urban youth of color, and policies addressing youth criminalization and structural racism should consider the joint spatial context of schools and policing. Although school closures may have resulted in learning loss and harms to youth wellbeing, closures interrupted comparatively high levels of arrest for Black and Latinx youth.