Ancient Plasmodium genomes shed light on the history of human malaria.

Malaria-causing protozoa of the genus Plasmodium have exerted one of the strongest selective pressures on the human genome, and resistance alleles provide biomolecular footprints that outline the historical reach of these species1. Nevertheless, debate persists over when and how malaria parasites emerged as human pathogens and spread around the globe1,2. To address these questions, we generated high-coverage ancient mitochondrial and nuclear genome-wide data from P. falciparum, P. vivax and P. malariae from 16 countries spanning around 5,500 years of human history. We identified P. vivax and P. falciparum across geographically disparate regions of Eurasia from as early as the fourth and first millennia BCE, respectively; for P. vivax, this evidence pre-dates textual references by several millennia3. Genomic analysis supports distinct disease histories for P. falciparum and P. vivax in the Americas: similarities between now-eliminated European and peri-contact South American strains indicate that European colonizers were the source of American P. vivax, whereas the trans-Atlantic slave trade probably introduced P. falciparum into the Americas. Our data underscore the role of cross-cultural contacts in the dissemination of malaria, laying the biomolecular foundation for future palaeo-epidemiological research into the impact of Plasmodium parasites on human history. Finally, our unexpected discovery of P. falciparum in the high-altitude Himalayas provides a rare case study in which individual mobility can be inferred from infection status, adding to our knowledge of cross-cultural connectivity in the region nearly three millennia ago.

Analysing malaria events from 1840 to 2020: the narrative told through postage stamps.

The role played by postage stamps in the history of malaria control and eradication has largely gone unrecognized. Scientific investigators of malaria, especially Nobel laureates, were commemorated with special issues, but the work of the World Health Organization (WHO), which promoted an ambitious and global philatelic initiative in 1962 to support global eradication, is generally overlooked. This review examines the philatelic programme that helped to generate international commitment to the goal of malaria eradication in 1962 and established philatelic malaria icons that had worldwide recognition. Malaria-related postage stamps have continued to be issued since then, but the initial failure of malaria eradication and the changing goals of each new malaria programme, inevitably diluted their role. After the first Global Malaria Eradication Campaign was discontinued in 1969, few Nations released philatelic issues. Since the Spirit of Dakar Call for Action in 1996 a resurgence of postage stamp releases has occurred, largely tracking global malaria control initiatives introduced between 1996 and 2020. These releases were not co-ordinated by the WHO as before, were more commercialized and targeted stamp collectors, especially with attractive miniature sheets, often produced by photomontage. Having a different purpose, they demonstrated a much wider diversity in symbolism than the earlier stylized issues and at times, have been scientifically inaccurate. Nonetheless postage stamps greatly helped to communicate the importance of malaria control programmes to a wide audience and to some extent, have supported preventive health messages.

An improbable journey: Creativity helped me make the transition from art to curing malaria.

I was recently awarded the Alice and C. C. Wang Award in Molecular Parasitology for my contributions to antimalarial drug development, including laying the groundbreaking work that has led to two new molecular methods for curing malaria. This award means a great deal to me because I have spent much of my scientific career feeling like an imposter-one with the wrong sort of background and poor credentials. I am grateful for the recognition, and I am beginning to recognize that having an atypical background can be an advantage because it gives you a different perspective on a challenge. More generally, diversity in educational and cultural backgrounds is important because it can stimulate new ways of thinking and discovery.

History of malaria control in Rwanda: implications for future elimination in Rwanda and other malaria-endemic countries.

BACKGROUND: Malaria was first reported in Rwanda in the early 1900s with significant heterogeneity and volatility in transmission over subsequent decades. Here, a comprehensive literature review of malaria transmission patterns and control strategies in Rwanda between 1900 and 2018 is presented to provide insight into successes and challenges in the country and to inform the future of malaria control in Rwanda. METHODS: A systematic literature search of peer-reviewed publications (Web of Knowledge, PubMed, Google Scholar, and the World Health Organization Library (WHOLIS) and grey literature on malaria control in Rwanda between 1900 and 2019 was conducted with the following search terms: "malaria"", "Rwanda", "epidemiology", "control", "treatment", and/or "prevention." Reports and other relevant documents were also obtained from the Rwanda National Malaria Control Programme (NMCP). To inform this literature review and evidence synthesis, epidemiologic and intervention data were collated from NMCP and partner reports, the national routine surveillance system, and population surveys. RESULTS: Two hundred sixty-eight peer-reviewed publications and 56 grey literature items were reviewed, and information was extracted. The history of malaria control in Rwanda is thematically described here according to five phases: 1900 to 1954 before the launch of the Global Malaria Eradication Programme (GMEP); (2) Implementation of the GMEP from 1955 to 1969; (3) Post- GMEP to 1994 Genocide; (4) the re-establishment of malaria control from 1995 to 2005, and (5) current malaria control efforts from 2006 to 2018. The review shows that Rwanda was an early adopter of tools and approaches in the early 2000s, putting the country ahead of the curve and health systems reforms created an enabling environment for an effective malaria control programme. The last two decades have seen unprecedented investments in malaria in Rwanda, resulting in significant declines in disease burden from 2000 to 2011. However, in recent years, these gains appear to have reversed with increasing cases since 2012 although the country is starting to make progress again. CONCLUSION: The review shows the impact and fragility of gains against malaria, even in the context of sustained health system development. Also, as shown in Rwanda, country malaria control programmes should be dynamic and adaptive to respond and address changing settings.

Prevention of re-establishment of malaria: historical perspective and future prospects.

Prevention of re-establishment (POR) refers to the prevention of malaria outbreak/epidemic occurrence or preventing re-establishment of indigenous malaria in a malaria-free country. Understanding the effectiveness of the various strategies used for POR is, therefore, of vital importance to countries certified as "malaria-free" or to the countries to be thus certified in the near future. This review is based on extensive review of literature on both the POR strategies and elimination schemes of countries, (i) that have reached malaria-free status (e.g. Armenia, Mauritius, Sri Lanka), (ii) those that are reaching pre-elimination stage (e.g. South Korea), and (iii) countries at the control phase (e.g. India). History has clearly shown that poorly implemented POR programmes can result in deadly consequences (e.g. Sri Lanka); conversely, there are examples of robust POR programmes that have sustained malaria free status that can serve as examples to countries working toward elimination. Countries awaiting malaria elimination status should pre-plan their POR strategies. Malaria-free countries face the risk of resurgence mostly due to imported malaria cases; thus, a robust passenger screening programme and cross border collaborations are crucial in a POR setting. In addition, sustained vigilance, and continued funding for the national anti-malarial campaign programme and for related research is of vital importance for POR. With distinct intrinsic potential for malaria in each country, tailor-made POR programmes are built through continuous and robust epidemiological and entomological surveillance, particularly in countries such as Sri Lanka with increased receptivity and vulnerability for malaria transmission. In summary, across all five countries under scrutiny, common strengths of the POR programmes are (i) a multipronged approach, (ii) strong passive, active, and activated passive case detection, (iii) Indoor residual spraying (IRS), and (iv) health education/awareness programmes.

Health policy impacts on malaria transmission in Costa Rica.

Costa Rica is near malaria elimination. This achievement has followed shifts in malaria health policy. Here, we evaluate the impacts that different health policies have had on malaria transmission in Costa Rica from 1913 to 2018. We identified regime shifts and used regression models to measure the impact of different health policies on malaria transmission in Costa Rica using annual case records. We found that vector control and prophylactic treatments were associated with a 50% malaria case reduction in 1929-1931 compared with 1913-1928. DDT introduction in 1946 was associated with an increase in annual malaria case reduction from 7.6% (1942-1946) to 26.4% (1947-1952). The 2006 introduction of 7-day supervised chloroquine and primaquine treatments was the most effective health policy between 1957 and 2018, reducing annual malaria cases by 98% (2009-2018) when compared with 1957-1968. We also found that effective malaria reduction policies have been sensitive to natural catastrophes and extreme climatic events, both of which have increased malaria transmission in Costa Rica. Currently, outbreaks follow malaria importation into vulnerable areas of Costa Rica. This highlights the need to timely diagnose and treat malaria, while improving living standards, in the affected areas.

Malaria therapy in Spain: 100 years after its introduction as a treatment for the general paralysis of the insane.

This article addresses the implementation of malaria fever therapy in Spain. Neuropsychiatrist Rodríguez-Lafora first used it in 1924, but Vallejo-Nágera was the main advocate for the technique. He had learned the method from Wagner von Jauregg himself, and he worked in the Military Psychiatric Clinic and the San José Mental Hospital, both in Ciempozuelos (Madrid). Vallejo-Nágera worked with the parasitologist Zozaya, who had travelled to England with a Rockefeller Foundation grant in order to learn from British malariologist, Sydney Price James. This article details the results of the uneven implementation of this treatment in Spanish psychiatric institutions. Although syphilologists and internists used fever therapy for the treatment of general paralysis of the insane, they were much less enthusiastic than psychiatrists.

Effects of Political Instability in Venezuela on Malaria Resurgence at Ecuador-Peru Border, 2018.

Mass migration from Venezuela has increased malaria resurgence risk across South America. During 2018, migrants from Venezuela constituted 96% of imported malaria cases along the Ecuador-Peru border. Plasmodium vivax predominated (96%). Autochthonous malaria cases emerged in areas previously malaria-free. Heightened malaria control and a response to this humanitarian crisis are imperative.

Direct Medical Costs of 3 Reportable Travel-Related Infections in Ontario, Canada, 2012-2014.

Immigrants traveling to their birth countries to visit friends or relatives are disproportionately affected by travel-related infections, in part because most preventive travel health services are not publicly funded. To help identify cost-effective policies to reduce this disparity, we measured the medical costs (in 2015 Canadian dollars) of 3 reportable travel-related infectious diseases (hepatitis A, malaria, and enteric fever) that accrued during a 3-year period (2012-2014) in an ethnoculturally diverse region of Canada (Peel, Ontario) by linking reportable disease surveillance and health administrative data. In total, 318 case-patients were included, each matched with 2 controls. Most spending accrued in inpatient settings. Direct healthcare spending totaled $2,058,196; the mean attributable cost per case was $6,098 (95% CI $5,328-$6,868) but varied by disease (range $4,558-$7,852). Costs were greatest for enteric fever. Policies that address financial barriers to preventive health services for high-risk groups should be evaluated.

The role of Plasmodium knowlesi in the history of malaria research.

In recent years, a malaria infection of humans in South East Asia, originally diagnosed as a known human-infecting species, Plasmodium malariae, has been identified as a simian parasite, Plasmodium knowlesi. This species had been subject to considerable investigation in monkeys since the 1930s. With the development of continuous culture of the erythrocytic stages of the human malarial parasite, Plasmodium falciparum in 1976, the emphasis in research shifted away from knowlesi. However, its importance as a human pathogen has provoked a renewed interest in P. knowlesi, not least because it too can be maintained in continuous culture and thus provides an experimental model. In fact, this parasite species has a long history in malaria research, and the purpose of this chapter is to outline approximately the first 50 years of this history.

2,000 Year old ß-thalassemia case in Sardinia suggests malaria was endemic by the Roman period.

OBJECTIVES: The island of Sardinia has one of the highest incidence rates of ß-thalassemia in Europe due to its long history of endemic malaria, which, according to historical records, was introduced around 2,600 years ago by the Punics and only became endemic around the Middle Ages. In particular, the cod39 mutation is responsible for more than 95% of all ß-thalassemia cases observed on the island. Debates surround the origin of the mutation. Some argue that its presence in the Western Mediterranean reflects the migration of people away from Sardinia, others that it reflects the colonization of the island by the Punics who might have carried the disease allele. The aim of this study was to investigate ß-globin mutations, including cod39, using ancient DNA (aDNA) analysis, to better understand the history and origin of ß-thalassemia and malaria in Sardinia. MATERIALS AND METHODS: PCR analysis followed by sequencing were used to investigate the presence of ß-thalassemia mutations in 19 individuals from three different Roman and Punic necropolises in Sardinia. RESULTS: The cod39 mutation was identified in one male individual buried in a necropolis from the Punic/Roman period. Further analyses have shown that his mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and Y-chromosome haplogroups were U5a and I2a1a1, respectively, indicating the individual was probably of Sardinian origin. CONCLUSIONS: This is the earliest documented case of ß-thalassemia in Sardinia to date. The presence of such a pathogenic mutation and its persistence until present day indicates that malaria was likely endemic on the island by the Roman period, earlier than the historical sources suggest.

Malaria control by commodities without practical malariology.

Malaria remains a serious clinical and public health problem, the object of an ongoing technological and humanitarian struggle to abate the very substantial harm done. The manner by which humanity approached malaria control changed abruptly and profoundly after 1945 with the advent of the insecticide DDT. Malariologists in the first half of the twentieth century conceived precise modifications to natural or man-made environments aimed at making those less hospitable to specific anopheline mosquito vector species. This practical malariology achieved very significant reductions in burdens of morbidity and mortality, but the revolutionary insecticide eliminated the need for its specialized knowledge and diverse practices. By 1970 mosquito resistance to DDT and perceived environmental concerns precipitated the collapse of what had been a vigorous global campaign to eradicate malaria. Humanity did not then revitalize practical malariology but turned to another commodity as the foundation of control strategy, the war-spurred suite of synthetic antimalarial drugs developed in the 1940s and 1950s. When those drugs became lost to parasite resistance in the latter twentieth century, malaria resurged globally. Since 2005, tens of billions of dollars mobilized new commodities to control malaria: point-of-care diagnostics, effective artemisinin-based treatments, and longer-lasting insecticide treated bed nets. The know-how of practical malariology is not part of that ongoing commodities-based strategy. This article examines contemporary malaria control in the broad strokes of a strategy mitigating the consequences of infection contrasted to that of the abandoned practical malariology strategy of prevention. The inherent risks and limitations of over-reliance upon commodities in striving to control malaria may prompt consideration of a strategic posture inclusive of the proven methods of practical malariology.

Malaria relapses were already known before 1900-a discussion.

For a long time, only two phases of the life cycle of the agents of malaria parasites were known: the cycle inside the mosquito body and the cycle in the red blood cells of humans as intermediate hosts. A possible tissue development cycle inside humans, however, had already been proposed before 1900. In general, Pieter Klaesz Pel is considered the first scientist who has described such a tissue cycle. However, a closer look at Pel's work shows that he still followed an old (conservative) way of thinking, since he still referred to "malaria poison and malaria miasma." Thus, the first idea of a possible tissue cycle must be searched in the work of earlier scientists. Referring to their observations on malaria, Vassilij Danilevsky, Arman Ruffer, Camillo Golgi and Battista Grassi suspected developing parasites in internal organs, before they can be found in the bloodstream.

Malariablood in the pocket. / Malariablut in der Westentasche.

For the first time on June 5, 1919, at the Hamburg State Hospital Friedrichsberg, two paralytics were artificially infected with malaria, subjecting them to the new malaria fever treatment according to Wagner-Jauregg (1917). This article examines the life stories and medical histories of these patients, an opera singer and a yardmaster, and provides an interpretation based on their medical files. Relevant contemporary medical publications contextualise the specific configurations of their hospital stay. In both cases, a detailed comparison between each medical file and the published case history reveals remarkable.discrepancies. A specific concept of remission, mainly determined by the level of restoration of a patient's working power, i. e. the ability to work, was implemented. Finally, the article considers the question of why the new therapy method was introduced in Hamburg specifically on June 5, 1919.

Patterns of Infection and Patterns of Evolution: How a Malaria Parasite Brought "Monkeys and Man" Closer Together in the 1960s.

In 1960, American parasitologist Don Eyles was unexpectedly infected with a malariaparasite isolated from a macaque. He and his supervisor, G. Robert Coatney of the National Institutes of Health, had started this series of experiments with the assumption that humans were not susceptible to "monkey malaria." The revelation that a mosquito carrying a macaque parasite could infect a human raised a whole range of public health and biological questions. This paper follows Coatney's team of parasitologists and their subjects: from the human to the nonhuman; from the American laboratory to the forests of Malaysia; and between the domains of medical research and natural history. In the course of this research, Coatney and his colleagues inverted Koch's postulate, by which animal subjects are used to identify and understand human parasites. In contrast, Coatney's experimental protocol used human subjects to identify and understand monkey parasites. In so doing, the team repeatedly followed malaria parasites across the purported boundary separating monkeys and humans, a practical experience that created a sense of biological symmetry between these separate species. Ultimately, this led Coatney and his colleagues make evolutionary inferences, concluding "that monkeys and man are more closely related than some of us wish to admit." In following monkeys, men, and malaria across biological, geographical, and disciplinary boundaries, this paper offers a new historical narrative, demonstrating that the pursuit of public health agendas can fuel the expansion of evolutionary knowledge.

Quinine, Malaria, and the Cinchona Bureau: Marketing Practices and Knowledge Circulation in a Dutch Transoceanic Cinchona-Quinine Enterprise (1920s-30s).

In this study, we will show how a Dutch pharmaceutical consortium of cinchona producers and quinine manufacturers was able to capitalize on one of the first international public health campaigns to fight malaria, thereby promoting the sale of quinine, an antimalarial medicine. During the 1920s and 1930s, the international markets for quinine were controlled by this Dutch consortium, which was a transoceanic cinchona-quinine enterprise centered in the Cinchona Bureau in the Netherlands. We will argue that during the interwar period, the Cinchona Bureau became the decision-making center of this Dutch cinchona-quinine pharmaceutical enterprise and monopolized the production and trade of an essential medicine. In addition, we will argue that capitalizing on the international public health campaign in the fight against malaria by the Dutch cinchona-quinine enterprise via the Cinchona Bureau can be regarded as an early example of corporate colonization of public health by a private pharmaceutical consortium. Furthermore, we will show how commercial interests prevailed over scientific interests within the Dutch cinchona-quinine consortium, thus interfering with and ultimately curtailing the transoceanic circulation of knowledge in the Dutch empire.

Firm-Led Malaria Prevention in the United States, 1910-1920.

In the absence of capable government services, a railroad company in Texas and multiple cotton mills in North Carolina successfully prevented malaria in the early twentieth century. This Article looks through the lens of economics to understand how and why people had the incentive to privately coordinate malaria prevention during this time, but not after. These firms, motivated by increases in productivity and profit, implemented extensive anti-malaria programs and used their hierarchical organizational structures to monitor performance. The factors underlying the decline of private prevention include a fall in the overall rate of malaria, the increasing presence of the federal government, and technological innovations that lowered exposure to mosquitoes. Understanding how, why, and when firms can prevent diseases has important implications for current disease policy, especially where governments, international organizations, and technologies are not enough.

Fowler's Solution and the Evolution of the Use of Arsenic in Modern Medicine.

While arsenic has been used medicinally and as a poison for thousands of years, Fowler's solution, an arsenic compound, has had a fascinating history in medicine during the past 200 years. The use of Fowler's solution was first described and published as a treatment for malaria and syphilis in the late 1700s. Many clinical applications for Fowler's solutions have been studied and utilized over the years, but toxicities have limited its utility. Even so, arsenic trioxide, chemically related to Fowler's solution, was approved by the US Food and Drug Administration for treating acute promyelocytic leukemia. The history of Fowler's solution, its applications and uses, and benefits and risks are discussed.

Methylene Blue: The Long and Winding Road from Stain to Brain: Part 1.

Methylene blue, first discovered and used as a dye in the textile industry, has long been used for biological staining in histology, bacteriology, and hematology. Because of its unique physiochemical properties, it was the first synthetic drug used in medicine, having been used to treat malaria more than one century ago. Methylene blue was also one of the first drugs used for the treatment of patients with psychosis at the end of the 19th century and was the lead drug in the serendipitous development of phenothiazine antipsychotic drugs in the mid-20th century. It was studied in bipolar disorder in the 1980s and has been investigated in neurodegenerative disorders in recent years. The history of methylene blue from its discovery as a dye to its use as a stain and then its therapeutic application in medicine is an example of how a drug's use can evolve over time through careful observation, clinical needs, serendipity, and the integration of concepts from different disciplines. [Journal of Psychosocial Nursing and Mental Health Services, 54(9), 21-24.].