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1.
Milbank Q ; 101(2): 349-425, 2023 06.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37096590

ABSTRACT

Policy Points Many studies have explored the impact of message strategies to build support for policies that advance racial equity, but few studies examine the effects of richer stories of lived experience and detailed accounts of the ways racism is embedded in policy design and implementation. Longer messages framed to emphasize social and structural causes of racial inequity hold significant potential to enhance support for policies to advance racial equity. There is an urgent need to develop, test, and disseminate communication interventions that center perspectives from historically marginalized people and promote policy advocacy, community mobilization, and collective action to advance racial equity. CONTEXT: Long-standing racial inequities in health and well-being are shaped by racialized public policies that perpetuate disadvantage among Black, Brown, Indigenous, and people of color. Strategic messaging can accelerate public and policymaker support for public policies that advance population health. We lack a comprehensive understanding of lessons learned from work on policy messaging to advance racial equity and the gaps in knowledge it reveals. METHODS: A scoping review of peer-reviewed studies from communication, psychology, political science, sociology, public health, and health policy that have tested how various message strategies influence support and mobilization for racial equity policy domains across a wide variety of social systems. We used keyword database searches, author bibliographic searches, and reviews of reference lists from relevant sources to compile 55 peer-reviewed papers with 80 studies that used experiments to test the effects of one or more message strategies in shaping support for racial equity-related policies, as well as the cognitive/emotional factors that predict their support. FINDINGS: Most studies report on the short-term effects of very short message manipulations. Although many of these studies find evidence that reference to race or use of racial cues tend to undermine support for racial equity-related policies, the accumulated body of evidence has generally not explored the effects of richer, more nuanced stories of lived experience and/or detailed historical and contemporary accounts of the ways racism is embedded in public policy design and implementation. A few well-designed studies offer evidence that longer-form messages framed to emphasize social and structural causes of racial inequity can enhance support for policies to advance racial equity, though many questions require further research. CONCLUSIONS: We conclude by laying out a research agenda to fill numerous wide gaps in the evidentiary base related to building support for racial equity policy across sectors.


Subject(s)
Population Health , Racism , Health Policy , Public Policy , Public Health
2.
Health Commun ; 38(2): 349-362, 2023 02.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34259097

ABSTRACT

As scientific evidence evolves and clinical guidelines change, a certain amount of conflicting health information in the news media is to be expected. However, research is needed to better understand the public's level of exposure to conflicting health information and the possible consequences of such exposure. This study quantifies levels of public exposure to one paradigmatic case: conflicting information about breast cancer screening for women in their 40s. Using a nationally-representative survey of U.S. adults aged 18-59 in 2016, we implemented four distinct types of measures of exposure to conflicting mammography information: an ecological measure based on keyword counts of local news closed-captioning, an inferred exposure measure based on a series of knowledge questions, a thought-listing exercise where respondents described their perceptions of mammography without prompting, and an explicit measure of self-assessed exposure to conflict. We examined the relationship between these exposure measures and four outcomes: confusion about mammography, backlash toward mammography recommendations, and confusion and backlash about health information more generally. We found moderate amounts of exposure to conflicting information about mammography, more among women than men. Exposure to conflicting information - across multiple measures - was associated with more confusion about mammography, more mammography-related backlash, and general health information backlash, but not general confusion about health information. These observational findings corroborate experimental-based findings that suggest potentially undesirable effects of exposure to conflicting health information. More research is needed to better understand how to mitigate these possible outcomes, in the context of a media landscape that proliferates exposure to multiple scientific perspectives.


Subject(s)
Breast Neoplasms , Mammography , Male , Adult , Humans , Female , Prevalence , Breast Neoplasms/diagnostic imaging , Breast Neoplasms/prevention & control , Mass Media , Surveys and Questionnaires
3.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37987174

ABSTRACT

Republicans and Democrats responded in starkly different ways to the COVID-19 pandemic, from their attitudes in 2020 about whether the virus posed a threat to whether the pandemic ended in 2023. The consequences of COVID-19 for health equity has been a central concern in public health, and the concept of health equity has also been beset by partisan polarization. In this essay, we present and discuss nationally-representative survey data from 2023 on U.S. public perceptions of disparities in COVID-19 mortality (building on a multi-wave previous survey effort), as well as causal attributions for racial disparities, the contribution of structural racism, and broader attitudes about public health authority. We find anticipated gulfs in perspectives between Democrats on the one hand, and Independents and Republicans on the other. The results offer a somewhat pessimistic view on the likelihood of finding common ground in how the general public understands health inequities or the role of structural racism in perpetuating them. However, we show that those who acknowledge racial disparities in COVID-19 are more likely to support state public health authority to act for other infectious disease threats. We explore the implications of these public opinion data for advocacy, communication, and future needed research.

4.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-37987197

ABSTRACT

CONTEXT: Media messaging matters for public opinion and policy, and analyzing patterns of campaign strategy can provide important windows into policy priorities. METHODS: We used content analysis supplemented with keyword-based text analysis to assess the volume, proportion and distribution of attention to race-related issues in comparison to gender-related issues during the general election period of the 2022 midterm campaigns for federal office. FINDINGS: Race-related mentions were overwhelmingly focused on crime and law and order with very little attention to racism, racial injustice, and the structural barriers that lead to widespread inequities. In stark contrast to mentions of gender, racial appeals were less identity focused and were competitively contested between the parties in their messaging, but much more likely to be led by Republicans. CONCLUSIONS: Our results suggest that discussion of race and gender were highly polarized with consequences for public understanding of and belief in disparities and policies important to population health.

5.
Prev Med ; 162: 107135, 2022 09.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-35803354

ABSTRACT

COVID-19 has illuminated health inequity in the United States. The burdens of disease are much higher among Black and Indigenous people and other people of color. Disparities by income are also profound, as lower-wage workers were less able to adopt mitigating behaviors compared to higher-income counterparts. These disparities became part of public health discourse in 2020, with commentators frequently highlighting the connection between racism, socioeconomic position, and COVID-19. But what proportion of the public-and among key subgroups-recognized these social group disparities, relative to disparities associated with age and chronic illness, and did public recognition change over the first year of the pandemic? To address these questions, we analyzed data from three nationally-representative cross-sectional public opinion surveys, collected using the NORC AmeriSpeak panel in April 2020 (N = 1007), August 2020 (N = 2716), and April 2021 (N = 1020). The key outcomes were respondents' agreement with statements about disparities in COVID-19 mortality by age, chronic illness, income, and race. We found little change from 2020 to 2021 in Americans' recognition of disparities. At all three time points, most respondents acknowledged age and chronic illness disparities, while no more than half at any time point recognized income- and race-based disparities. Political party affiliation was not statistically associated with agreement with age or illness-related disparities, but was strongly associated with views about income- and race-based disparities. Efforts to promote recognition of racial and socioeconomic health disparities in the United States need to be mindful of the ways in which public understanding of health inequities is linked to partisanship.


Subject(s)
COVID-19 , Black or African American , Cross-Sectional Studies , Health Status Disparities , Humans , Pandemics , Surveys and Questionnaires , United States/epidemiology , White People
6.
Milbank Q ; 99(4): 1088-1131, 2021 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-34402554

ABSTRACT

Policy Points  Investments in early childhood education can have long-lasting influence on health and well-being at later stages of the life course.  Widespread public support and strategies to counter opposition will be critical to the future political feasibility of enhancing early childhood policies and programs.  Simple advocacy messages emphasizing the need for affordable, accessible, high-quality childcare for all can increase public support for state investments in these policies.  Policy narratives (short stories with a setting, characters, and a plot that unfolds over time and offers a policy solution to a social problem) that describe structural barriers to childcare and policy solutions to address these barriers may be particularly effective to persuade individuals inclined to oppose such policies to become supportive.  Inoculation messages (messages designed to prepare audiences for encountering and building resistance to opposing messages) may protect favorable childcare policy attitudes in the face of oppositional messaging. CONTEXT: Early childhood education (ECE) programs enhance the health and social well-being of children and families. This preregistered, randomized, controlled study tested the effectiveness of communication strategies to increase public support for state investments in affordable, accessible, and high-quality childcare for all. METHODS: At time 1 (August-September 2019), we randomly assigned members of an online research panel (n  =  4,363) to read one of four messages promoting state investment in childcare policies and programs, or to a no-exposure control group. Messages included an argument-based message ("simple pro-policy"), a message preparing audiences for encountering and building resistance to opposing messages ("inoculation"), a story illustrating the structural nature of the problem and solution ("narrative"), and both inoculation and narrative messages ("combined"). At time 2 (two weeks later) a subset of respondents (n  =  1,436) read an oppositional anti-policy message and, in two conditions, another narrative or inoculation message. Ordinary least squares regression compared groups' levels of support for state investment in childcare policies and programs. FINDINGS: As hypothesized, respondents who read the narrative message had higher support for state investment in childcare policies than those who read the inoculation message or those in the no-exposure control group at time 1. Among respondents who were initially opposed to such investments, those who read the narrative had greater support than respondents who read the simple pro-policy message. Those who received the inoculation message at time 2 were more resistant to the anti-policy message than respondents who did not receive such a message, but effects from exposures to strategic messages at time 1 did not persist at follow-up. CONCLUSIONS: Results offer guidance for policy advocates seeking to increase public support for early childhood policies and programs and could inform broader efforts to promote high-value policies with potential to improve population health.


Subject(s)
Public Opinion , Public Relations/trends , Adult , Evidence-Based Practice/methods , Female , Humans , Male , Middle Aged
7.
Health Commun ; 36(3): 303-314, 2021 03.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31690128

ABSTRACT

In recent years, there has been a shift toward promoting informed decision making for mammography screening for average-risk women in their 40s. Professional organizations such as the American Cancer Society and U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommend that women weigh the potential benefits and harms of mammography prior to initiating screening. This decision-making process assumes that women are aware of both the benefits and harms of screening, yet little is known about the prevalence and antecedents of such awareness. Moreover, it is conceivable that women who are aware of both the benefits and harms may interpret this information as conflicting - which could be concerning, as researchers have documented adverse effects of exposure to conflicting health information in prior research. Using data from a population-based survey of U.S. women aged 30-59 (N = 557), the current study found that awareness of mammography's harms is relatively low compared to awareness of benefits. Health news exposure and interpersonal communication about health were associated with greater awareness of harms. In addition, women's awareness of both the benefits and harms was positively associated with confusion about breast cancer screening recommendations, ambivalence about getting a mammogram, and mammogram-related information seeking from online sources. Implications for cancer screening communication are discussed.


Subject(s)
Breast Neoplasms , Early Detection of Cancer , Breast Neoplasms/diagnosis , Female , Humans , Information Seeking Behavior , Mammography , Mass Screening , United States
8.
J Health Polit Policy Law ; 46(3): 381-407, 2021 06 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33647977

ABSTRACT

CONTEXT: Understanding the role of drug-related issues in political campaign advertising can provide insight on the salience of this issue and the priorities of candidates for elected office. This study sought to quantify the share of campaign advertising mentioning drugs in the 2012 and 2016 election cycles and to estimate the association between local drug overdose mortality and drug mentions in campaign advertising across US media markets. METHODS: The analysis used descriptive and spatial statistics to examine geographic variation in campaign advertising mentions of drugs across all 210 US media markets, and it used multivariable regression to assess area-level factors associated with that variation. FINDINGS: The share of campaign ads mentioning drugs grew from 0.5% in the 2012 election cycle to 1.6% in the 2016 cycle. In the 2016 cycle, ads airing in media markets with overdose mortality rates in the 95th percentile were more than three times as likely to mention drugs as ads airing in areas with overdose mortality rates in the 5th percentile. CONCLUSIONS: A small proportion of campaign advertising mentioned drug-related issues. In the 2016 cycle, the issue was more prominent in advertising in areas hardest hit by the drug overdose crisis and in advertising for local races.


Subject(s)
Advertising/statistics & numerical data , Drug Overdose/mortality , Politics , Television , Humans , United States
9.
Prev Med ; 141: 106278, 2020 12.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33027615

ABSTRACT

As with many other infectious and chronic conditions, the COVID-19 crisis in the United States (U.S.) reveals severe inequities in health. The objective of this study was to describe public perceptions of disparities in mortality from COVID-19 and examine correlates of those perceptions. We fielded a nationally-representative survey in late April 2020, asking participants how much they agreed with four statements describing group-level COVID-19 disparities: older people compared to younger, people with chronic health conditions compared to those without, poorer people compared to wealthier, and Black people compared to white people. We also measured personal characteristics, experience with COVID-19, and information sources. Overall agreement with age- and health condition-related disparities was high (>80%) while agreement with socioeconomic (SES) and racial disparities was lower (52%). Higher education and income were generally associated with greater agreement with disparities. Partisanship and information sources used were associated with perceptions of SES- and racial-disparities, with Democrats and those attune to national news-but not Fox cable news-more likely to perceive these disparities. As of April 2020, information about age- and health condition-related disparities in COVID-19 was well known by the U.S. public, while information about social disparities was less recognized and varied along socioeconomic and partisan lines.


Subject(s)
Black or African American/statistics & numerical data , COVID-19/mortality , Health Status Disparities , Hispanic or Latino/statistics & numerical data , Pandemics/statistics & numerical data , White People/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Adult , Black or African American/psychology , Age Factors , Aged , Aged, 80 and over , COVID-19/epidemiology , Female , Hispanic or Latino/psychology , Humans , Male , Middle Aged , Perception , Race Factors , SARS-CoV-2 , Surveys and Questionnaires , United States/epidemiology , White People/psychology , Young Adult
10.
J Health Commun ; 25(8): 605-612, 2020 08 02.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-33317426

ABSTRACT

Latinx adults, especially immigrants, face higher uninsurance and lower awareness of the Affordable Care Act's (ACA) provisions and resources compared to other racial/ethnic groups. Television advertising of ACA health plans has directed many consumers to application assistance and enrollment, but little is known about how ads targeted Latinx consumers. We used Kantar Media/CMAG data from the Wesleyan Media Project to assess Spanish- vs. English-language ad targeting strategies and to assess which enrollment assistance resources (in person/telephone vs. online) were emphasized across three Open Enrollment Periods (OEP) (2013-14, 2014-15, 2015-16). We examined differences in advertisement sponsorship and volume of Spanish- versus English-language ads across the three OEPs. State-based Marketplaces sponsored 47% of Spanish-language airings; insurance companies sponsored 55% of English-language airings. The proportion of Spanish-language airings increased over time (8.8% in OEP1, 11.1% in OEP2, 12.0% in OEP3, p <.001). Spanish-language airings had 49% lower (95%CI: 0.50,0.53) and 2.20 times higher odds (95%CI: 2.17,2.24) of mentioning online and telephone/in-person enrollment assistance resources, respectively. While there was a significant decrease in mention of telephone/in-person assistance over time for English-language airings, these mentions increased significantly in Spanish-language airings. Future research should examine the impact of the drastic federal cuts to ACA outreach and marketing.


Subject(s)
Advertising/statistics & numerical data , Insurance, Health/statistics & numerical data , Language , Television , Adult , Emigrants and Immigrants/psychology , Emigrants and Immigrants/statistics & numerical data , Hispanic or Latino/psychology , Hispanic or Latino/statistics & numerical data , Humans , Medically Uninsured/ethnology , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , United States
11.
J Health Polit Policy Law ; 45(6): 967-981, 2020 12 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32464658

ABSTRACT

The coronavirus public health crisis is also a political-communication and health-communication crisis. In this article, the authors describe the key communication-related phenomena and evidence of concerning effects manifested in the United States during the initial response to the pandemic. The authors outline the conditions of communication about coronavirus that contribute to deleterious outcomes, including partisan cueing, conflicting science, downplayed threats, emotional arousal, fragmented media, and Trump's messaging. The authors suggest these have contributed to divergent responses by media sources, partisan leaders, and the public alike, leading to different attitudes and beliefs as well as varying protective actions taken by members of the public to reduce their risk. In turn, these divergent communication phenomena will likely amplify geographic variation in and inequities with COVID-19 disease outcomes. The authors conclude with some suggestions for future research, particularly surrounding communication about health inequity and strategies for reducing partisan divergence in views of public health issues in the future.


Subject(s)
COVID-19/epidemiology , Communication , Politics , Public Health , Humans , Mass Media , Pandemics , United States/epidemiology
12.
J Health Polit Policy Law ; 45(5): 711-728, 2020 10 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-32589219

ABSTRACT

Messaging about the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has seemingly produced a variety of outcomes: millions of Americans gained access to health insurance, yet much of the US public remains confused about major components of the law, and there remain stark and persistent political divides in support of the law. Our analysis of the volume and content of ACA-related media (including both ads and news) helps explain these phenomena, with three conclusions. First, the information environment around the ACA has been complex and competitive, with messaging originating from diverse sponsors with multiple objectives. Second, partisan cues in news and political ads are abundant, likely contributing to the crystallized politically polarized opinion about the law. Third, partisan discussions of the ACA in political ads have shifted in volume, direction, and tone over the decade, presenting divergent views regarding which party is accountable for the law's successes (or failures). We offer evidence for each of these conclusions from longitudinal analyses of the volume and content of ACA messaging, also referencing studies that have linked these messages to attitudes and behavior. We conclude with implications for health communication, political science, and the future outlook for health reform.


Subject(s)
Advertising/trends , Health Communication/trends , Health Policy/legislation & jurisprudence , Mass Media/trends , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Politics , Public Opinion , Humans , Longitudinal Studies , United States
13.
Annu Rev Public Health ; 40: 167-185, 2019 04 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30633711

ABSTRACT

Television (TV) news, and especially local TV news, remains an important vehicle through which Americans obtain information about health-related topics. In this review, we synthesize theory and evidence on four main functions of TV news in shaping public health policy and practice: reporting events and information to the public (surveillance); providing the context for and meaning surrounding health issues (interpretation); cultivating community values, beliefs, and norms (socialization); and attracting and maintaining public attention for advertisers (attention merchant). We also identify challenges for TV news as a vehicle for improving public health, including declining audiences, industry changes such as station consolidation, increasingly politicized content, potential spread of misinformation, and lack of attention to inequity. We offer recommendations for public health practitioners and researchers to leverage TV news to improve public health and advance health equity.


Subject(s)
Health Policy , Health Promotion/methods , Information Dissemination/methods , Public Health Administration , Television , Adult , Aged , Aged, 80 and over , Female , Humans , Male , Middle Aged , United States
14.
Milbank Q ; 97(4): 1062-1107, 2019 Dec.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31650628

ABSTRACT

Policy Points Political advertising can influence which issues are public policy priorities. Population health-relevant issues were frequently referenced in televised political advertising in the 2011-2012 and 2015-2016 US election cycles, with about one-fourth of all ads aired mentioning traditional public health and health policy topics and more than half referencing broader determinants of population health. The volume of population health-relevant issues referenced in political ads varied by geography, political office, political party, and election cycle. Ads referencing broader determinants of population health (such as employment, education, or gender equality) rarely tied these determinants directly to health outcomes. CONTEXT: Political discourse is one way that policymakers and candidates for public office discuss societal problems, propose solutions, and articulate actionable policies that might improve population health. Yet we know little about how politicians define and discuss issues relevant to population health in their major source of electoral communication, campaign advertisements. This study examined the prevalence of references to population health-relevant issues conveyed in campaign advertising for political office at all levels of government in the United States in 2011-2012 and 2015-2016. Understanding advertising as part of the political discourse on topics of relevance to population health yields insights about political agenda-setting and can inform efforts to shape opinion. METHODS: We conducted a content analysis of all English-language, candidate-related campaign advertisements aired on local broadcast, national network, and national cable television in the 2011-2012 and 2015-2016 election cycles (3,980,457 and 3,767,477 airings, respectively). We analyzed the volume of coverage in these ads about issues relevant to population health, including narrowly defined public health issues as well as a broad range of other social, economic, and environmental factors that affect population health. FINDINGS: Across both election cycles and all electoral races, 26% of campaign advertising discussed issues relevant for the narrowly defined conceptualization of public health and 57% discussed issues pertinent to topics within the more expansive population health conceptualization. There was substantial variation in population health-related content in ads across election cycles, by level of political office, political party, and geographic area. Geographic variation indicates that where a person lives affects their potential exposure to political communication about various health-related topics. CONCLUSIONS: Political campaign ads in the United States frequently referenced population health-relevant content at all levels of government, although the ads rarely connected population health-relevant issues to health. Variation in volume and content of these references likely shaped public opinion and the public will to address population health-related policy.

15.
Prev Med ; 123: 130-137, 2019 06.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30890352

ABSTRACT

The American Cancer Society and the U.S. Preventive Task Force recently recommended that women initiate routine breast cancer screening at older ages (45 and 50, respectively) than previously recommended, and both organizations emphasize the importance of weighing the harms of mammograms against the benefits in making informed decisions. However, little is known from national samples about how women perceive the harms and benefits of mammograms, and how these perceptions relate to their attitudes about getting mammograms. To fill this gap, we surveyed a nationally representative sample of 557 U.S. women aged 30-59 about their perceptions of harms and benefits and their attitudinal ambivalence toward mammograms. We found that respondents overall perceived the benefits as more important than harms, but those who were aware of recent recommendations perceived mammogram harms as more important than those who were unaware. Women who had a mammogram within one year perceived the harms as less important and the benefits as more important, compared to those who had not had a mammogram in the past year. Those who perceived the harms as important were more ambivalent about screening than those who perceived harms as less important. We conclude that if the public health goal is to prevent the population harms from overuse of mammograms (e.g., overdiagnosis, false positives), simply providing women with information about harms and benefits may not lead to this outcome, since women are likely to perceive the benefits as more important than harms, and thus make an informed choice to obtain screening.


Subject(s)
Breast Neoplasms/diagnosis , Early Detection of Cancer/psychology , Early Detection of Cancer/statistics & numerical data , Mammography/psychology , Mammography/statistics & numerical data , Mass Screening/psychology , Mass Screening/statistics & numerical data , Adolescent , Adult , Aged , Aged, 80 and over , Attitude to Health , Decision Making , Female , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Humans , Middle Aged , Risk Factors , Surveys and Questionnaires , United States , Young Adult
16.
J Med Internet Res ; 20(10): e10872, 2018 10 25.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-30361198

ABSTRACT

BACKGROUND: Reductions in health insurance enrollment outreach could have negative effects on the individual health insurance market. Specifically, consumers may not be informed about the availability of coverage, and if some healthier consumers fail to enroll, there could be a worse risk pool for insurers. Kentucky created its own Marketplace, known as kynect, and adopted Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act, which yielded the largest decline in adult uninsured rate in the United States from 2013 to 2016. The state sponsored an award-winning media campaign, yet after the election of a new governor in 2015, it declined to renew the television advertising contract for kynect and canceled all pending television ads with over a month remaining in the 2016 open enrollment period. OBJECTIVE: The objective of this study is to examine the stark variation in television advertising across multiple open enrollment periods in Kentucky and use this variation to estimate the dose-response effect of state-sponsored television advertising on consumer engagement with the Marketplace. In addition, we assess to what extent private insurers can potentially help fill the void when governments reduce or eliminate television advertising. METHODS: We obtained television advertising (Kantar Media/Campaign Media Analysis Group) and Marketplace data (Kentucky Health Benefit Exchange) for the period of October 1, 2013, through January 31, 2016, for Kentucky. Advertising data at the spot level were collapsed to state-week counts by sponsor type. Similarly, a state-week series of Marketplace engagement and enrollment measures were derived from state reports to Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. We used linear regression models to estimate associations between health insurance television advertising volume and measures of information-seeking (calls to call center; page views, visits, and unique visitors to the website) and enrollment (Web-based and total applications, Marketplace enrollment). RESULTS: We found significant dose-response effects of weekly state-sponsored television advertising volume during open enrollment on information-seeking behavior (marginal effects of an additional ad airing per week for website page views: 7973, visits: 390, and unique visitors: 388) and enrollment activity (applications, Web-based: 61 and total: 56). CONCLUSIONS: State-sponsored television advertising was associated with nearly 40% of unique visitors and Web-based applications. Insurance company television advertising was not a significant driver of engagement, an important consideration if cuts to government-sponsored advertising persist.


Subject(s)
Advertising/standards , Health Insurance Exchanges/standards , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act/standards , Television/standards , Adult , Humans , Kentucky , United States
17.
J Health Polit Policy Law ; 43(6): 961-989, 2018 12 01.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-31091327

ABSTRACT

Television advertising has been a primary method for marketing new health plans available under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) to consumers. Data from Kantar Media's Campaign Media Analysis Group were used to analyze advertising content during three ACA open enrollment periods (fall 2013 to spring 2016). Few advertisement airings featured people who were elderly, disabled, or receiving care in a medical setting, and over time airings increasingly featured children, young adults, and people exercising. The most common informational messages focused on plan choice and availability of low-cost plans, but messages shifted over open enrollment cycles to emphasize avoidance of tax penalties and availability of financial assistance. Over the three open enrollment periods, there was a sharp decline in explicit mentions of the ACA or Obamacare in advertisements. Overall, television advertisements have increasingly targeted young, healthy consumers, and informational appeals have shifted toward a focus on financial factors in persuading individuals to enroll in marketplace plans. These advertising approaches make sense in the context of pressures to market plans to appeal to a sufficiently large, diverse group. Importantly, dramatic declines over time in explicit mention of the law mean that citizens may fail to understand the connection between the actions of government and the benefits they are receiving.


Subject(s)
Advertising/statistics & numerical data , Health Insurance Exchanges , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Television , Humans , United States
18.
Am J Public Health ; 107(5): 687-693, 2017 05.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-28207336

ABSTRACT

OBJECTIVES: To examine the public health and policy-relevant messages conveyed through local television news during the first stage of Affordable Care Act (ACA) implementation, when about 10 million Americans gained insurance. METHODS: We conducted a content analysis of 1569 ACA-related local evening television news stories, obtained from sampling local news aired between October 1, 2013, and April 19, 2014. Coders systematically collected data using a coding instrument tracking major messages and information sources cited in the news. RESULTS: Overall, only half of all ACA-related news coverage focused on health insurance products, whereas the remainder discussed political disagreements over the law. Major policy tools of the ACA-the Medicaid expansion and subsidies available-were cited in less than 10% of news stories. Number of enrollees (27%) and Web site glitches (33%) were more common features of coverage. Sources with a political affiliation were by far the most common source of information (> 40%), whereas research was cited in less than 4% of stories. CONCLUSIONS: The most common source of news for Americans provided little public health-relevant substance about the ACA during its early implementation, favoring political strategy in coverage.


Subject(s)
Consumer Health Information , Information Dissemination , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Politics , Television , Humans , United States
19.
J Health Polit Policy Law ; 42(1): 167-195, 2017 Feb.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-27729445

ABSTRACT

Public opinion about the Affordable Care Act (ACA) has been polarized since the law's passage. Past research suggests these conditions would make any media influence on the public limited at best. However, during the early phase of implementation, locally broadcast ACA-related media messages-in the form of paid health insurance and political advertisements and news media stories-abounded as advocates, insurance marketers, and politicians sought to shape the public's perceptions of the law. To what extent did message exposure affect ACA perceptions during the first open enrollment period? We merge data on volumes of messaging at the media market level with nationally representative survey data to examine the relationship between estimated exposure to media messaging and the public's perceptions of how informed they were about and favorable toward the ACA in October 2013. We find that higher volumes of insurance advertising and local news coverage are associated with participants' perceptions of being informed about the law. Volumes of insurance advertising and of local news coverage are also associated with participants' favorability toward the law, but the relationship varies with partisanship, supporting the growing body of research describing partisan perceptual bias.


Subject(s)
Mass Media , Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Public Opinion , Humans , Insurance, Health , Politics , Public Policy , Surveys and Questionnaires , United States
20.
Health Commun ; 29(4): 332-46, 2014.
Article in English | MEDLINE | ID: mdl-23790111

ABSTRACT

This article presents findings from two studies that describe news portrayals of cancer causes and prevention in local TV and test the effects of typical aspects of this coverage on cancer-related fatalism and overload. Study 1 analyzed the content of stories focused on cancer causes and prevention from an October 2002 national sample of local TV and newspaper cancer coverage (n = 122 television stations; n = 60 newspapers). Informed by results from the content analysis, Study 2 describes results from a randomized experiment testing effects of the volume and content of news stories about cancer causes and prevention (n = 601). Study 1 indicates that local TV news stories describe cancer causes and prevention as comparatively more certain than newspapers but include less information about how to reduce cancer risk. Study 2 reveals that the combination of stories conveying an emerging cancer cause and prevention behavior as moderately certain leads to an increased sense of overload, while a short summary of well-established preventive behaviors mitigates these potentially harmful beliefs. We conclude with a series of recommendations for health communication and health journalism practice.


Subject(s)
Mass Media , Neoplasms/etiology , Neoplasms/prevention & control , Adolescent , Adult , Health Knowledge, Attitudes, Practice , Humans , Middle Aged , Neoplasms/diagnosis , Risk Factors , Uncertainty , Young Adult
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