Perceptions of social media harms and potential management strategies: vaping case study.

BACKGROUND: The social media landscape is now ubiquitous in people's everyday lives. It is a space where culture, politics, economics and sociological and public health discourses occur. There is mounting evidence that e-cigarette products are being promoted and advertised on social media, a media platform particularly popular with young people. Our research aimed to understand industry professionals' perceptions of social media harms and potential management strategies using vaping as a case study. METHODS: A critical realist perspective guided reflexive thematic analysis of the qualitative in depth, semi structured interviews. Data collection occurred in January and February 2023 with 13 participants working in the areas of public health, digital media, law, governance, tobacco control and advocacy. RESULTS: Two superordinate themes emerged from the data: (1) Fathoming a complex system (social media) that contained the subordinate themes of Traversing Boundaries (crossing borders, crossing sectors) and Ungovernable (global and local landscapes, vested interests, self-regulation and opacity). (2) Addressing complexity (social media)- that contained the subordinate themes of Strengthening Institutions (global to local, policy and legislation, individuals and organisations); Defanging Industry (responsibility and transparency, moderation and algorithms, complaints); and Engaging Citizens (raising awareness, framing messaging). CONCLUSIONS: There was consensus among participants that e-cigarette related social media content can be harmful and government action is urgently needed. There was an identified need for the development of government led national-level regulatory frameworks, with government led appropriate legislation; identification of an organisation or organisations with suitable levels of regulatory power and resources to monitor, enforce and penalise noncompliant social media companies; accompanied by increased community awareness raising of harmful social media content and improved digital literacy.

Mental Health Care Access Among Arab Immigrants in the United States: Application of Public Arena Model.

Arab immigrants constitute a sizable portion of the US population, and their adjustment and relocation challenges might escalate mental health issues. Nevertheless, mental health care accessibility among such populations is not recognized as policy issue. Hence, it is crucial to explore the political tools that might be employed to improve immigrants' access to mental health treatment. The Public Arenas Model (Hilgartner and Bosk, American Journal of Sociology 94:53-78, 1988) provides better understanding of how access to mental health care is defined in the public sphere, why mental health inaccessibility among Arabs has not received attention, and how stakeholders worked to raise the public's attention to such issue (Smith, Policy, Politics & Nursing Practice 10:134-142, 2009). Ultimately, several policy options are proposed to address Arab immigrants' access to mental health care issue, including increasing mental health service providers' language proficiency and cultural competency, integration of behavioral health and primary care services for immigrant populations, and considering novel modes of mental health delivery.

Tactics of the tobacco industry in an Arab nation: a review of tobacco documents in Oman.

BACKGROUND: Few studies have investigated tobacco industry interference in the tobacco control policies of Arab nations. This paper explores the tactics used by the industry to subvert tobacco control policies in Oman and offers lessons on how to prevent such interference in the future. METHODS: We searched the Truth Tobacco Industry Documents Archive using the word 'Oman', names of government institutions, policymakers and local tobacco distributors. Extracted data were noted chronologically by key elements of tobacco control measures. Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Health Ministers' Council resolutions on tobacco control were also reviewed. RESULTS: Out of 1020 tobacco documents located, 327 were closely related to policy interference. Documents revealed that the industry met key government officials, offered in-kind services, used local diplomatic missions to influence Omani policymakers, opposed smoking bans, delayed regulations to lower tar and nicotine content of cigarettes, and to require effective health warnings, circumvented a tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship ban and provided voluntary codes as an alternative to effective regulations. Additionally, industry representatives lobbied individual countries in the GCC to veto tax increments and defeat consensus on agreed resolutions of the Health Ministers' Council. CONCLUSION: The tobacco industry interfered in all key public health policies aimed to reduce tobacco use in Oman. There is an urgent need for the Omani government to enforce the Civil Code of Conduct and develop guidelines for all policymakers through implementing Article 5.3 of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control to curb the tobacco epidemic.

Foregrounding women and household dynamics to inform Article 17: a qualitative description analysis of tobacco farming households in Mozambique.

PURPOSE: This paper examines the intrahousehold dynamics between women and men present in tobacco farming households in Mozambique. Attention to the experiences and realities of the smallholder farmers is crucial for understanding approaches to alternative livelihoods. Intrahousehold dynamics can provide important insights into how these households and their members view tobacco production and engage with the political economy of tobacco farming, how they make decisions, and the rationale and values behind these decisions. METHODS: Data were collected through single-gender focus group discussions (n=8) with 108 participants (men=57, women=51). Analysis was informed by a qualitative description methodology. This research presents a gender-based analysis examining the perspectives, roles, decision-making processes and desires of female and male tobacco farmers in four key tobacco-growing districts in Mozambique. FINDINGS: Throughout this paper, women are found to hold leverage and influence in tobacco farming households, and this leverage is in part gained via the necessity of women's unpaid labour in achieving profitability in tobacco farming. Both women and men are also found to strongly desire and pursue the well-being of the household. CONCLUSION: Women hold agency within tobacco-growing households and participate in decision-making processes regarding tobacco agriculture. Women should be included in future tobacco control policies and programmes pertaining to Article 17.

Climate Change, Public Health, Health Policy, and Nurses Training.

There are few educational programs in the United States that have a primary focus on preparing nurses to engage in all levels of public health, health policy, and climate change. The United Nations sustainability development goals (SDG) and the Future of Nursing 2020-2030: Charting a Path to Achieve Health Equity (2021) report underscored the importance of key stakeholders, including nurses, engaging in advocacy and policy to promote health equity. We discuss the role of nursing at the intersection of public health, policy, climate change, and the SDG. We also discuss the history and merger of the University of California San Francisco (UCSF) School of Nursing public health and health policy specialties, a significant innovation in our effort to promote health equity. We provide a brief overview of the redesigning of our curriculum that meets the needs of today's learners by including content on climate change, data analytics, and racial, social, and environmental justice. Finally, we emphasize the need to train the next cadre of nurses interested in careers in public health and health policy for us to meet the challenges facing our communities. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(S3):S321-S327. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306826).

Tobacco industry's human rights makeover: an archival review of British American Tobacco's human rights rhetorical veneer.

BACKGROUND: British American Tobacco (BAT) released an industry-first human rights report in 2020, which extolled the efforts and objectives of the tobacco industry giant for promoting human rights. How BAT came to brand itself as a human rights champion, being a leader in an industry long accused of enabling human rights violations from leaf-to-stub including profiting from a product which inherently violates the right to health, is unknown. Exploring BAT's evolution through reviewing its materials and Tobacco Industry Documents could shed light on their development and what it means in the tobacco control and human rights context. METHODOLOGY: We reviewed publicly available materials from BAT as well as conducted archival research in the Tobacco Industry Documents digital archives at University of California San Francisco. We focused on how and when BAT used terms such as 'human rights', 'right to health', 'sustainable development goal' and 'harm reduction' as well as 'Framework Convention on Tobacco Control'. RESULTS: We reviewed 48 BAT publications and 45 documents from the Tobacco Industry Documents archives. These materials demonstrate both BAT's increasing utilisation of human rights language as well as BAT's reuse of the same language, concepts and general rhetoric. BAT has not engaged significantly or meaningfully on the human right to health. CONCLUSION: BAT's increasing use of human rights rhetoric does not appear to reflect a shift in the company's human rights positions, particularly with respect to the right to health of consumers and BAT's lack of impactful measures to eliminate the harms of its tobacco products.

Tobacco industry presence and practices in Mozambique: a 'chaotic' but worthy market.

BACKGROUND: Mozambique has experienced a series of tobacco industry consolidation both in tobacco leaf buying and processing, and in cigarette manufacturing and marketing. The growth of the tobacco industry presence in Mozambique was followed by an increase in tobacco industry's Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activities. This is the first paper to describe the history of tobacco industry activities in Mozambique, a party to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). METHODS: We reviewed industry documents and associated web-based information. Industry documents (1990-2021) were identified through University of California San Francisco's Truth Tobacco Industry Documents Library. We followed with a search of web-based sources pertaining to the tobacco industry in Mozambique. We complemented our analysis with select media sources to identify statements by government officials in relation to the tobacco industry. We mapped major tobacco industry players, industry partnerships and corresponding CSR activities. RESULTS: Tobacco production increased substantially in Mozambique in the 1990s when tobacco companies began targeting African countries. The increased attention to tobacco production, trade and sales in Mozambique was coupled with greater industry involvement in CSR activities. We identified 10 tobacco industry CSR programmes in Mozambique. Most of the CSR programmes focus on health including HIV/AIDS, social issues and environmental issues. CONCLUSIONS: Similar to other tobacco-growing countries, the industry facilitated an increase in tobacco production and continues efforts to increase the tobacco consumption market while engaging in CSR activities focused on social and environmental issues. As in other countries, CSR initiatives in Mozambique enhance industry's reputation. Importantly, these CSR programmes and partnerships breach national laws and the provisions of the FCTC. The continuation of these programmes suggests limited attention within government to protect public policy from industry interference in compliance with Article 5.3 of the FCTC.

FDA's reduced exposure marketing order for IQOS: why it is not a reliable global model.

The US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued orders in July 2020 authorising Philip Morris Products S.A. to market its heated tobacco product (HTP) IQOS inside the USA with claims that it reduces exposure to some dangerous substances. FDA's 'reduced-exposure' orders explicitly prohibit the marketing of IQOS with claims that IQOS will reduce harm or the risk of tobacco-related diseases. Under US law, FDA's IQOS orders are problematic because FDA disregarded valid scientific evidence that IQOS increases exposure to other dangerous toxins and that Philip Morris Products S.A. failed to demonstrate that consumers understand the difference between reduced-exposure and reduced-harm claims. Unfortunately, both 'reduced-exposure' and 'reduced-harm' are classified as 'modified risk tobacco products' under US law. Exploiting this confusion, Philip Morris International used the FDA decision as the basis for marketing and public relations campaigns outside the USA to press governments to reverse policies that ban or regulate the sales and marketing of HTPs, including IQOS. Parties to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control should reject tobacco companies' unsubstantiated explicit or implied claims of reduced harm associated with HTPs and resist Philip Morris International's and other companies' calls to relax HTP regulations based on the FDA's actions. Instead, parties should adopt policies aligned with the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control when dealing with HTPs and other novel tobacco products.

Impact of a web-based educational program on Japanese nurses tobacco cessation practice and attitudes in oncology settings.

PURPOSE: To evaluate the effects of a short web-based educational program on Japanese nurses' self-reported attitudes toward tobacco cessation and their use of interventions to help smokers to quit. DESIGN: Prospective, single-group design with a pre-educational survey, a short web-based educational program, and a follow-up survey at 3 months. METHODS: Clinical nurses were asked to view two prerecorded webcasts about helping smokers quit. They completed two online surveys, one at baseline and one at a 3-month follow-up. Generalized linear models were used to determine changes in nurses' self-reported routine practice after the study intervention. FINDINGS: A total of 1401 nurses responded to the baseline survey, 678 of whom completed the follow-up survey. Compared with baseline, nurses at follow-up were more likely to advise smokers to quit (odds ratio [OR] = 1.45, 95% confidence interval [CI: 1.15, 1.82]), assess patients' interest in quitting (OR = 1.46, 95% CI [1.01, 1.04]), and assist patients with smoking cessation (OR = 1.34, 95% CI [1.04, 1.72]). However, the proportion of nurses who consistently recommended resources for tobacco cessation did not significantly improve at follow-up. CONCLUSIONS: This study provides preliminary evidence that a web-based educational program can increase nurses' implementation of tobacco dependence interventions in cancer care practice. Sustaining these educational efforts could increase nurses' involvement in providing these interventions, encourage nurses to refer patients to cessation resources, and support nurses' attitudes towards their role in smoking cessation. CLINICAL RELEVANCE: Our short web-based educational program can increase nurses' use of tobacco-dependence interventions in cancer care practice. This role can be enhanced with additional information about existing cessation resources that nurses could use to refer patients for support post-discharge. Japanese nurses, when properly educated, are willing and significant contributors to promote tobacco use cessation for cancer patients. The contribution can be facilitated through nursing care protocol that integrate tobacco use cessation interventions within evidence-based cancer care approaches.

Overcoming tobacco industry opposition to standardized packaging in the Americas.

Countries in the Region of the Americas have been slow to adopt standardized packaging of tobacco products. The objectives of this analysis are to report on the progress made in adopting such packaging in countries in the Region, review known tobacco industry strategies for opposing these policies and discuss the resources available to academics, advocates and policy-makers who might be interested in advancing the use of standardized packaging in the Region. Of the 23 countries worldwide that have fully adopted standardized packaging laws, only 2 are in the Region (Canada and Uruguay). Six other countries (Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico and Panama) have tried to introduce standardized packaging through draft bills, all of which have been delayed or withdrawn. There are indications that the tobacco industry has used its playbook of arguments to oppose the policy in those countries, including allegations that standardized packaging breaches national laws and international treaties protecting intellectual property, alongside threats of litigation. It is possible that these threats and allegations may have had a greater effect in the Region because of the lengthy (6 years) and costly (legal fees of US$ 10 million) international investment arbitration brought by Philip Morris International against Uruguay's strong tobacco packaging laws. However, all of the industry's arguments have been debunked, and national courts and international legal forums have upheld standardized packaging as a lawful policy. Governments in the Region of the Americas should follow the examples of Canada and Uruguay and reject the industry's false arguments and litigation threats. This analysis discusses some of the financial and technical resources that can assist them.

Los países de la Región de las Américas han tardado en adoptar el empaquetado estandarizado de los productos de tabaco. Los objetivos de este análisis son informar sobre el progreso realizado en la adopción de dicho empaquetado en los países de la Región, revisar las estrategias conocidas de la industria tabacalera para oponerse a estas políticas y abordar los recursos disponibles para la comunidad académica, los defensores de la causa y los responsables de formular las políticas que podrían estar interesados en fomentar el uso del empaquetado estandarizado en la Región. De los 23 países de todo el mundo que han adoptado plenamente leyes sobre el empaquetado estandarizado, solo dos se encuentran en la Región (Canadá y Uruguay). Otros seis países (Brasil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, México y Panamá) han tratado de introducir empaquetados estandarizados mediante proyectos de ley, los cuales han enfrentado demoras o han sido retirados. En esos países hay indicios de que la industria tabacalera ha recurrido a una cartilla de argumentos para oponerse a esta política, como acusaciones de que los empaquetados estandarizados violan las leyes nacionales y los tratados internacionales que protegen la propiedad intelectual, además de amenazas de litigios. Es posible que estas amenazas y alegatos hayan tenido un mayor efecto en la Región debido al largo (6 años) y costoso (costos legales de US$ 10 millones) arbitraje internacional en el ámbito de las inversiones presentado por Philip Morris International contra las fuertes leyes de empaquetado de tabaco de Uruguay. Sin embargo, todos los argumentos de la industria han sido desacreditados, y los tribunales nacionales y los foros jurídicos internacionales han defendido el empaquetado estandarizado como una política legal. Los gobiernos de la Región de las Américas deben seguir los ejemplos de Canadá y Uruguay y rechazar los argumentos falsos y las amenazas de litigio de la industria. En este análisis se examinan algunos de los recursos financieros y técnicos que pueden ayudarlos.

Os países da Região das Américas têm sido lentos em adotar embalagens padronizadas para produtos de tabaco. Os objetivos desta análise são: informar acerca do progresso feito na adoção de tais embalagens nos países da região; revisar as estratégias conhecidas da indústria do tabaco para se opor a essas políticas; e discutir os recursos disponíveis para acadêmicos, defensores e formuladores de políticas que possam estar interessados em avançar no uso de embalagens padronizadas na região. Dos 23 países do mundo que adotaram leis obrigando o uso de embalagens totalmente padronizadas, apenas 2 estão na região (Canadá e Uruguai). Seis outros países (Brasil, Chile, Costa Rica, Equador, México e Panamá) tentaram introduzir embalagens padronizadas por meio de projetos de lei, os quais foram todos adiados ou retirados. Há indícios de que a indústria do tabaco usou seus argumentos habituais ­ incluindo alegações de que embalagens padronizadas violam leis nacionais e tratados internacionais de proteção à propriedade intelectual, além de ameaças de litígio ­ para se opor às políticas nesses países. É possível que essas ameaças e alegações tenham tido um efeito maior na região devido ao longo (6 anos) e dispendioso (US$ 10 milhões em honorários advocatícios) processo de arbitragem internacional iniciado pela Philip Morris International contra as fortes leis de embalagem de produtos de tabaco do Uruguai. Porém, todos os argumentos da indústria foram desmascarados e tanto os tribunais nacionais como fóruns jurídicos internacionais decidiram em favor da embalagem padronizada como política legal. Os governos da Região das Américas deveriam seguir os exemplos do Canadá e do Uruguai e rejeitar os argumentos falsos e as ameaças de litígio da indústria. Esta análise discute alguns recursos financeiros e técnicos que podem ajudá-los.

Assessing the links between human rights and global tobacco control through statements made on global fora.

BACKGROUND: Increasingly, international health bodies frame public health measures, including tobacco control, in the context of human rights (HR). It is unclear how prevalent is the connection between human rights and tobacco control within global health governance. This paper describes the inclusion of HR in tobacco control governance, and the inclusion of tobacco control in HR treaty oversight. We depict the current reach of HR's normative influence in framing the tobacco epidemic in global, regional, and country-specific contexts. METHODS: We reviewed documents (agenda, reports) from 2010 to 2019 from the World Health Assembly (WHA); the WHO Western Pacific Regional Committee Meetings (RCM); the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (WHO FCTC) Conferences of the Parties (COP); and documents provided by Pacific Island Countries party to, or by committees overseeing, HR treaties. We purposively selected the Western Pacific Region, and Pacific Island Countries specifically, to represent countries of varying populations, capacities, and governance. RESULTS: Tobacco control and HR are infrequently mentioned together in the WHAs, and primarily in only one COP. Tobacco control is mentioned in 47 HR treaty committee documents for Pacific Island Countries, mostly under the Convention of the Rights of the Child recognizing or calling for ratification of the WHO FCTC. HR and tobacco control are connected in WHO Western Pacific RCM, particularly through their two most-recent action plans adopted by respective RCMs. DISCUSSION: Tobacco control as a HR concern is gaining traction within HR treaty bodies, at least with respect to children's health in the Western Pacific Region. CONCLUSION: Globally, HR is just emerging as an influence in global health governance for tobacco discussions. Within the Western Pacific Region however tobacco control is seen by some authorities as a HR issue. Similarly, to HR experts, tobacco control is becoming important to how Pacific Island Countries fulfill their treaty obligations, suggesting tobacco control advocates might explore these mechanisms to further influence the development of strong tobacco control measures to implement the WHO FCTC.

Defending Comprehensive Tobacco Control Policy Implementation in Nepal From Tobacco Industry Interference (2011-2018).

INTRODUCTION: Nepal passed a comprehensive tobacco control law in 2011. Tobacco control advocates successfully countered tobacco industry (TI) interference to force implementation of law. AIMS AND METHODS: Policy documents, news stories, and key informant interviews were triangulated and interpreted using the Policy Dystopia Model (PDM). RESULTS: The TI tried to block and weaken the law after Parliament passed it. Tobacco control advocates used litigation to force implementation of the law while the TI used litigation in an effort to block implementation. The TI argued that tobacco was socially and economically important, and used front groups to weaken the law. Tobacco control advocates mobilized the media, launched public awareness campaigns, educated the legislature, utilized lawsuits, and monitored TI activities to successfully counter TI opposition. CONCLUSIONS: Both tobacco control advocates and the industry used the discursive and instrumental strategies described in the PDM. The model was helpful for understanding TI activities in Nepal and could be applied to other low- and middle-income countries. Civil society, with the help of international health groups, should continue to track TI interference and learn the lessons from other countries to proactively to counter it. IMPLICATIONS: The PDM provides an effective framework to understand battles over implementation of a strong tobacco control law in Nepal, a low- and middle-income country. The TI applied discursive and instrumental strategies in Nepal in its efforts to weaken and delay the implementation of the law at every stage of implementation. It is important to continuously monitor TI activities and learn lessons from other countries, as the industry often employ the same strategies globally. Tobacco control advocates utilized domestic litigation, media advocacy, and engaged with legislators, politicians, and other stakeholders to implement a strong tobacco control law. Other low- and middle-income countries can adapt these lessons from Nepal to achieve effective implementation of their laws.

Exceeding WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) Obligations: Nepal Overcoming Tobacco Industry Interference to Enact a Comprehensive Tobacco Control Policy.

BACKGROUND: The tobacco industry works to block, delay, and weaken national tobacco control legislation to implement the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). This article reviews how Nepal overcame industry opposition and to a comprehensive tobacco control law implementing the FCTC. METHODS: We triangulated newspaper articles and policy documents with key informant interviews. RESULTS: With the support of international health groups, local tobacco control advocates worked with policymakers in Nepal to pass a comprehensive tobacco control law that exceeded FCTC obligations. The tobacco industry exploited a time of political transition to block consideration by Parliament, arranged and sponsored foreign tours for legislators, made death threats to tobacco control advocates and their families, and argued for the economic importance of tobacco farms. Despite strong interference from Health, and Law and Justice ministers, a 2009 Supreme Court ruling helped tobacco control advocates secure a comprehensive tobacco control law in 2011 that included rotating pictorial health warning labels covering 75% of both sides of cigarette packages, 100% smoke free public places and workplaces, private homes and vehicles, and a tobacco advertising, promotion, and sponsorship ban. CONCLUSIONS: Advocates in developing countries should utilize Nepal's experience to reject tobacco industry offers of compromise and continue educating politicians and legislators to generate political support to pass a comprehensive tobacco control law. Technical and financial support from international agencies, and effective collaboration and coordination of civil societies, and utilization of domestic litigation are helpful in LMICs where governance is weak (the abstract in Nepali is available as a Supplementary Material). IMPLICATIONS: The tobacco industry exploited a time of political transition in Nepal in its effort to block comprehensive tobacco control policy in Parliament by sponsoring foreign tours of legislatures, making death threats to tobacco control advocates and their families, and arguing for the economic importance of tobacco farms. Tobacco control advocates used litigation to raise awareness and educate legislators and promote strong legislation with the involvement of international health groups. Technical and financial support from international agencies, and effective collaboration and coordination of civil societies, and utilization of domestic litigation are helpful in LMICs where governance is weak.

Tobacco control in Nepal during a time of government turmoil (1960-2006).

BACKGROUND: Nepal was a monarchy, then a dictatorship, then a democracy. This paper reviews how tobacco control progressed in Nepal in the context of these changes in government from 1950 through 2006. METHODS: We triangulated tobacco industry documents, newspaper articles and key informant interviews. RESULTS: Until 1983, the tobacco industry was mostly state owned. Transnational tobacco companies entered the Nepalese market through ventures with Surya Tobacco Company Private Limited (with Imperial Tobacco Company and British American Tobacco) in 1983 and Seti Cigarette Factory Limited (with Philip Morris International [PMI]) in 1985. Seminars and conferences on tobacco, celebrations of World No Tobacco Day (WNTD) and efforts by WHO helped promote tobacco control in Nepal beginning in the 1970s. Tobacco advocates in Nepal pushed the government to issue executive orders banning smoking in public places in 1992 and tobacco advertising in electronic media in 1998, and to introduce a tobacco health tax in 1993. The tobacco industry lobbied against these measures and succeeded in keeping the tobacco tax low by challenging it in court. Tobacco advocates sued the government in 2003 and 2005, resulting in a June 2006 Supreme Court decision upholding the smoking and advertising bans and requiring the government to enact a comprehensive tobacco control law. CONCLUSIONS: Political instability, conflict, weak governance and the dictatorship significantly affect tobacco control activities in low-income and middle-income countries. Nepal shows that tobacco control advocates can take advantage of global events, such as WNTD, and use domestic litigation to maintain support from civil societies and to advocate for stronger tobacco control policies.

Framework Convention on Tobacco Control Implementation in Nigeria: Lessons for Low- and Middle-Income Countries.

BACKGROUND: Nigeria is a significant tobacco market and influential country in Africa. Nigeria ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2005. We reviewed Nigeria's tobacco control legislation since 2000 and compliance of the National Tobacco Control Act (NTCA) 2015 with the FCTC. METHODS: We reviewed the National Tobacco Control Bills 2011 (proposed by legislature) and 2014 (proposed by Executive), the NTCA 2015, and media stories on tobacco control from 2008 to 2017. RESULTS: The NTCA, despite being more comprehensive than Nigeria's first Tobacco Smoking (Control) law of 1990, maintained provisions promoted by the tobacco industry, for example: allowing designated smoking areas in hospitality venues, higher educational institutions, and transportation venues; a loophole in the advertising restrictions allowing communications with consenting adults; and having the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) (which includes tobacco companies) on the National Tobacco Control Committee charged with working with the Ministry of Health to implement the law. The industry is also directly involved with the Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON) in preparing regulations on cigarette constituents and emissions. In an unprecedented step globally, the law requires that implementing regulations be approved by the National Assembly, giving the industry another opportunity to weaken this law further by lobbying the legislators to favor the industry. As of January 2018, the law was still not being enforced. CONCLUSION: The NTCA can be strengthened through implementation guidelines still being developed. The industry should be prevented from interfering with through MAN and SON, as required by FCTC Article 5.3. IMPLICATIONS: The tobacco industry works to block Framework Convention on Tobacco Control implementation even after a country ratifies the treaty. The Nigerian case illustrates that it is essential for health authorities to remain vigilant and ensure that the tobacco industry does not play a decision-making role in the process of tobacco legislation and regulation either directly or indirectly. The unprecedented step of requiring approval of implementing regulations for the Nigerian law should not be allowed to become a precedent in other countries.

Containing diffusion: the tobacco industry's multipronged trade strategy to block tobacco standardised packaging.

OBJECTIVE: To analyse the tobacco industry's strategy of using trade and investment agreements to prevent the global diffusion of standardised packaging (SP) of tobacco products. METHODS: Review of tobacco industry documents, relevant government documents and media items. The data were triangulated and thematically analysed. RESULTS: Internal tobacco industry documents reveal that during the early 1990s, tobacco companies developed a multipronged trade strategy to prevent the global diffusion of progressive tobacco packaging and labelling proposals, including SP. This strategy consisted of (1) framing the health issue in terms of trade and investment, (2) detailing alleged legal violations concerning trade barriers, intellectual property and investment rights, (3) threatening legal suits and reputational damage, and (4) garnering third-party support. These efforts helped delay SP until 2010 when Australia became the first country to reintroduce SP proposals, followed by governments in the UK and New Zealand in 2012, Ireland in 2013 and France in 2014. Review of government documents and media sources in each of the five countries indicate the industry continues to employ this multipronged strategy throughout the SP policy's progression. Although this strategy is tailored towards each domestic context, the overall tobacco industry's trade strategy remains consistently focused on shifting the attention away from public health and towards the realm of trade and investment with more corporate-friendly allies. CONCLUSION: Governments seeking to implement SP need to be prepared to resist and counter the industry's multipronged trade strategy by avoiding trade diversions, exposing false industry legal and reputational claims, and monitoring third-party support.

Memoranda of understanding: a tobacco industry strategy to undermine illicit tobacco trade policies.

OBJECTIVE: Analyse the transnational tobacco companies' (TTCs) memoranda of understanding (MoUs) on illicit trade and how they could undermine the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) and the Protocol to Eliminate Illicit Trade in Tobacco Products (Protocol). METHODS: Review of tobacco industry documents and websites, reports, news and media items using standard snowball search methods. RESULTS: Facing increasing pressure from governments and the FCTC to address illicit tobacco trade during the late 1990s, TTCs entered into voluntary partnerships embodied in MoUs with governments' law enforcement and customs agencies. One of the earliest known MoUs was between Philip Morris International and Italy in 1999. TTCs agreed among themselves to establish MoUs individually but use the Italian MoU as a basis to establish similar connections with other governments to pre-empt more stringent regulation of illicit trade. TTCs report to have signed over 100 MoUs since 1999, and promote them on their websites, in Corporate Social Responsibility reports and in the media as important partnerships to combat illicit tobacco trade. There is no evidence to support TTCs' claims that these MoUs reduce illicit trade. The terms of these MoUs are rarely made public. MoUs are non-transparent partnerships between government agencies and TTCs, violating FCTC Article 5.3 and the Protocol. MoUs are not legally binding so do not create an accountability system or penalties for non-compliance, rendering them ineffective at controlling illicit trade. CONCLUSION: Governments should reject TTC partnerships through MoUs and instead ratify and implement the FCTC and the Protocol to effectively address illicit trade in tobacco products.

Role of stakeholders in Nigeria's tobacco control journey after the FCTC: lessons for tobacco control advocacy in low-income and middle-income countries.

INTRODUCTION: Nigeria ratified the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) in 2005. Tobacco control advocates in Nigeria achieved some success in countering tobacco industry interference to implement the FCTC. METHODS: We triangulated interviews with key informants from local and international organisations who worked in Nigeria with documentation of the legislative process and Nigerian newspaper articles. Data were analysed and interpreted using the Policy Dystopia Model and WHO categories of tobacco industry interference that had been developed mostly based on experience in high-income countries. RESULTS: As in high-income countries, the tobacco industry continued to oppose tobacco control policies after Nigeria ratified the FCTC, including weakening Nigeria's 2015 National Tobacco Control Act. Both tobacco control advocates and industry used discursive (argument-based) and instrumental (activity-based) strategies. The industry argued self-regulation and the economic importance of tobacco. They exploited legislative procedures, used front groups and third parties to push for pro-industry changes. Advocates, with help from international organisations, mobilised prominent Nigerians and the public. Advocates pre-empted and countered the industry through traditional and social media, monitoring and exposing tobacco industry activities, and by actively engaging lawmakers and citizens during the legislative process. CONCLUSION: The Policy Dystopia Model and WHO categories of industry interference provide a helpful framework for understanding tobacco control debates in low/middle-income countries (LMICs) as in high-income countries. One difference in LMIC is the important role of international tobacco control advocates in supporting national tobacco control advocates. This partnership is important in pushing for FCTC-compliant legislation and countering industry activities in LMIC.

The taste of smoke: tobacco industry strategies to prevent the prohibition of additives in tobacco products in Brazil.

BACKGROUND: The tobacco industry (TI) uses several strategies to attract new consumers, including using additives in tobacco products, which makes tobacco especially attractive to youth. Based on scientific evidence and the principles of the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control, the Brazilian Health Regulatory Agency (ANVISA, for the name in Portuguese), published the Collegiate Board Resolution (RDC, for the name in Portuguese) 14/2012 in 2012, prohibiting the addition of substances that enhance the flavour and taste of tobacco products in order to make them more attractive. In response, the TI used various strategies to prevent RDC 14/2012 from entering into force. At the time, the Brazilian additive ban was the most comprehensive in the world as it included a ban on menthol. OBJECTIVES: This paper analyses the arguments and strategies used by the TI to prevent the implementation of the additives ban. METHODS: Review of published articles, reports, legislation and legislative activity, internal TI documents, media stories and other documents to describe TI's reaction to the ban. RESULTS: The results show that the TI used some well-known strategies to delay or cancel the entering into force of the resolution. For example, the TI attempted political interference, used litigation and commissioned studies with findings that questioned the resolution's rationale. The TI strategies used in Brazil are similar to those used at the global level to oppose other tobacco control measures. CONCLUSIONS: TI successfully delayed the most comprehensive additive ban in the world using its usual tactics, despite the fact that none of the arguments presented by the TI had an acceptable scientific basis or evidence.

Increased adoption of smoke-free policies on campuses with schools of nursing.

BACKGROUND: In 2015, the majority of U.S. American Association of Colleges of Nursing (AACN)-accredited schools of nursing resided on campuses without smoke-free policies. PURPOSE: To determine the presence of smoke-free policies at AACN-accredited after resolutions from AACN and the American Academy of Nursing, and the creation of online resources. METHODS: Smoke-free policies (2015-2017) were determined through listings on the ANRF College Campus Policy Database© and survey responses from nursing deans. RESULTS: Smoke-free policies for 689 schools of nursing increased from 36% in 2015 to 91% in 2017. There were no significant differences by nursing program types or geographic area. Twenty percent of deans reported using the resources, with over 1700-page views. CONCLUSION: Smoke-free policies increased after support from two national nursing organizations. Learning in a smoke-free environment should be an expectation for nursing students to protect their own health, and to support their future critical role in tobacco control.