Idiosyncratic media exposures during a pandemic and their link to well-being, cognition, and behavior over time.

Over the past two decades of research, increased media consumption in the context of collective traumas has been cross-sectionally and longitudinally linked to negative psychological outcomes. However, little is known about the specific information channels that may drive these patterns of response. The current longitudinal investigation uses a probability-based sample of 5,661 Americans measured at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic to identify a) distinct patterns of information-channel use (i.e., dimensions) for COVID-related information, b) demographic correlates of these patterns, and c) prospective associations of these information channel dimensions with distress (i.e., worry, global distress, and emotional exhaustion), cognition (e.g., beliefs about the seriousness of COVID-19, response efficacy, and dismissive attitudes), and behavior (e.g., engaging in health-protective behaviors and risk-taking behaviors) 6 mo later. Four distinct information-channel dimensions emerged: journalistic complexity; ideologically focused news; domestically focused news; and nonnews. Results indicate that journalistic complexity was prospectively associated with more emotional exhaustion, belief in the seriousness of the coronavirus, response efficacy, engaging in health-protective behaviors, and less dismissiveness of the pandemic. A reliance on conservative-leaning media was prospectively associated with less psychological distress, taking the pandemic less seriously, and engaging in more risk-taking behaviors. We discuss the implications of this work for the public, policy makers, and future research.

Contrasting Objective and Perceived Risk: Predicting COVID-19 Health Behaviors in a Nationally Representative U.S. Sample.

BACKGROUND: Individuals confronting health threats may display an optimistic bias such that judgments of their risk for illness or death are unrealistically positive given their objective circumstances. PURPOSE: We explored optimistic bias for health risks using k-means clustering in the context of COVID-19. We identified risk profiles using subjective and objective indicators of severity and susceptibility risk for COVID-19. METHODS: Between 3/18/2020-4/18/2020, a national probability sample of 6,514 U.S. residents reported both their subjective risk perceptions (e.g., perceived likelihood of illness or death) and objective risk indices (e.g., age, weight, pre-existing conditions) of COVID-19-related susceptibility and severity, alongside other pandemic-related experiences. Six months later, a subsample (N = 5,661) completed a follow-up survey with questions about their frequency of engagement in recommended health protective behaviors (social distancing, mask wearing, risk behaviors, vaccination intentions). RESULTS: The k-means clustering procedure identified five risk profiles in the Wave 1 sample; two of these demonstrated aspects of optimistic bias, representing almost 44% of the sample. In OLS regression models predicting health protective behavior adoption at Wave 2, clusters representing individuals with high perceived severity risk were most likely to report engagement in social distancing, but many individuals who were objectively at high risk for illness and death did not report engaging in self-protective behaviors. CONCLUSIONS: Objective risk of disease severity only inconsistently predicted health protective behavior. Risk profiles may help identify groups that need more targeted interventions to increase their support for public health policy and health enhancing recommendations more broadly.

As we move into an endemic stage of the COVID-19 pandemic, understanding engagement in health behaviors to curb the spread of disease remains critically important to manage COVID-19 and other health threats. However, peoples' perceptions about their risk of getting sick and having severe outcomes if they do fall ill are subject to bias. We studied a nationally representative probability sample of over 6,500 U.S. residents who completed surveys immediately after the COVID-19 pandemic began and approximately 6 months later. We used a computer processing (i.e., machine learning) approach to categorize participants based on both their actual risk factors for COVID-19 and their subjective understanding of that risk. Our analysis identified groups of individuals whose subjective perceptions of risk did not align with their actual risk characteristics. Specifically, almost 44% of our sample demonstrated an optimistic bias: they did not report higher risk of death from COVID-19 despite having one or more well-known risk factors for poor disease outcomes (e.g., older age, obesity). Six months later, membership in these risk groups prospectively predicted engagement in health protective and risky behaviors, as well as vaccine intentions, demonstrating how early risk perceptions may influence health behaviors over time.

Investigating the role of adversity and benevolence beliefs in predicting prosociality.

BACKGROUND: Does experiencing adversity engender kindness, and if so, for whom? Two studies tested the hypothesis that adversity predicts increased pro-social outcomes, and that this relationship is strongest for individuals who view others as good and trustworthy, or benevolent. METHOD: In Study 1, a cross-sectional survey design was utilized, and in Study 2 a longitudinal survey was conducted. RESULTS: In Study 1 (N = 359), the number of lifetime adverse life events was associated with increased volunteering, empathic concern, and self-reported altruism. The association of adversity and altruism was stronger for those with greater benevolence beliefs. In Study 2 (N = 1157), benevolence beliefs were assessed, and in subsequent years, adverse life events were reported. The number of past-year adverse life events predicted more volunteering and charitable involvement, but only among people with high benevolence beliefs. CONCLUSION: Exposure to adversity may be associated with increased pro-social behavior among those with higher benevolence beliefs. In part, this could be due to benevolence beliefs increasing the expectation that one's efforts will be appreciated and reciprocated.

Worst Life Events and Media Exposure to Terrorism in a Nationally Representative U.S. Sample.

Indirectly experienced negative life events are not considered Criterion A traumatic events per DSM-5 posttraumatic stress disorder diagnostic criteria, yet individuals indirectly exposed to trauma via the media may report these events as peak traumatic experiences. We studied which events people considered to be the "worst" in their lifetimes to gain a better understanding of the types of events individuals consider to be distressing. This longitudinal study included a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents living outside New York (N = 1,606) who were exposed to the September 11th, 2001 (9/11) terror attacks exclusively via the media. Bereavement was the most frequently cited "worst" life event (42.0%); violent events were cited by 11.4% of the sample. However, 22.0% of respondents reported 9/11 as their worst life event even though they did not directly experience the attacks. More lifetime exposure to violent events and bereavement, odds ratios (ORs) = 0.79 and 0.72, respectively, and a college education, OR = 0.61, were associated with decreased odds of naming 9/11 as one's worst life event. Watching 4 or more hours of 9/11-related television coverage in the week after the attacks, OR = 1.67, and identifying as African American, OR = 2.01, were associated with increased odds of naming 9/11 as one's worst life event 1 year after the attacks. Events experienced indirectly through the media may be considered the worst of people's lives, with important implications for assessing stressful life event history and understanding indirect exposure to negative life events.

Distress and rumor exposure on social media during a campus lockdown.

During crisis events, people often seek out event-related information to stay informed of what is happening. However, when information from official channels is lacking or disseminated irregularly, people may be at risk for exposure to rumors that fill the information void. We studied information-seeking during a university lockdown following an active-shooter event. In study 1, students in the lockdown (n = 3,890) completed anonymous surveys 1 week later. Those who indicated receiving conflicting information about the lockdown reported greater acute stress [standardized regression coefficient (b) = 0.07; SE = 0.01; 95% confidence interval (CI), 0.04, 0.10]. Additionally, those who reported direct contact with close others via text message (or phone) and used Twitter for critical updates during the lockdown were exposed to more conflicting information. Higher acute stress was reported by heavy social media users who trusted social media for critical updates (b = 0.06, SE = 0.01; 95% CI, 0.03, 0.10). In study 2, we employed a big data approach to explore the time course of rumor transmission across 5 hours surrounding the lockdown within a subset of the university's Twitter followers. We also examined the patterning of distress in the hours during the lockdown as rumors about what was happening (e.g., presence of multiple shooters) spread among Twitter users. During periods without updates from official channels, rumors and distress increased. Results highlight the importance of releasing substantive updates at regular intervals during a crisis event and monitoring social media for rumors to mitigate rumor exposure and distress.

National Opinions on Death Penalty Punishment for the Boston Marathon Bomber Before vs. After Sentencing.

Humans seek consistency between their internal thoughts and the outside world. Thus, when legal authorities make decisions, people are likely to accept and obey these decisions in order to remain consistent with the societies in which they live. Few studies have explored these biases in an applied context. We examined the relationship between the sentencing of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev (the Boston Marathon bomber) and Americans' opinions about his punishment in a natural quasi-experiment. We expected that Tsarnaev's sentencing would be associated with increased support for his death penalty sentence, in a manner consistent with the legitimization literature. A survey of a representative U.S. national sample (N=3,341; 78.13% total response rate) was conducted between April 29 and June 26, 2015. We assessed views about Tsarnaev's sentencing (i.e., whether he should receive the death penalty), political party, demographics, and psychological indicators; 81.77% of our sample completed the survey prior to Tsarnaev's sentencing and 18.23% completed the survey afterwards. Multiple logistic regression analyses indicated that those who completed the survey after Tsarnaev was sentenced to death were more likely to support a death penalty sentence than were those who took the survey prior to the sentencing (OR=1.48, p=.007; 95% confidence [1.11, 1.96]). These results remained significant after adjusting for significant covariates, including male gender, White race, Protestant-Christian religious affiliation, Boston residency, beliefs in a just world, and Republican political party identification. Results of this quasi-experiment suggest that people adjust their opinions to be consistent with the fait accompli, particularly once the outcome is widely known.

Using Big Data to Study the Impact of Mass Violence: Opportunities for the Traumatic Stress Field.

Studying the community impact of mass violence using a Big Data approach from social media data (e.g., Twitter) offers traumatic stress researchers an unprecedented opportunity to study and clarify theoretical assumptions using large-scale, observational, ecologically valid data. We describe challenges and benefits of working with Twitter data and briefly review studies that used Twitter data to explore community responses to mass violence. We then demonstrate the use of Twitter data to examine community responses to a specific event: the 2015 San Bernardino terrorist attack, in which 14 people were killed and 22 were wounded. In a 6-week time frame around this attack, we evaluated the time course of community-level negative emotion. We downloaded 1.16 million tweets, representing 25,894 users from San Bernardino, CA, and a matched control community, Stockton, CA. All tweets were coded in R using the Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) negative emotion dictionary. A piecewise regression technique with a discontinuity analysis was used to evaluate pre- and postevent trajectories of negative emotion across the study window. Controlling for within-user variability, negative emotion increased by 6.2%, ß = .182, SE = .014, p < .001, in San Bernardino on the day of the attack and remained elevated for 5 days; no elevation was observed in Stockton. We discuss how data-driven text analytic techniques are useful for exploring Twitter content generated after collective traumas and describe challenges and opportunities accompanying analyses of social media data to understand the impact of mass violence on affected populations.

Spanish Abstracts by Asociación Chilena de Estrés Traumático (ACET) Usando BIG DATA (grandes bases de datos) para estudiar el impacto de la violencia masiva: oportunidades para el campo del estrés traumático BIG DATA Y VIOLENCIA MASIVA Estudiar el impacto de la violencia masiva en la comunidad usando la aproximación de Big Data a partir de los datos de los medios sociales (ej. Twiter) ofrece a los investigadores del estrés traumático una oportunidad sin precedentes para estudiar y clarificar asunciones teóricas utilizando datos a gran escala, observacionales y ecológicamente válidos. Describimos los desafíos y beneficios de trabajar con datos de Twiter y revisamos brevemente los estudios que usaron los datos de Twiter para explorar la respuesta de la comunidad a la violencia masiva. Luego demostramos el uso de información de Twiter para examinar las respuestas de la comunidad a un evento específico, el ataque terrorista de San Bernardino del 2015, en el que 14 personas fueron asesinadas y 22 fueron heridas. En el periodo de seis semanas alrededor del ataque, evaluamos el curso temporal de las emociones negativas a nivel comunitario. Descargamos 1.16 millonesde tweets, representando 25,894 usuarios de San Bernardino, CA, y lo comparamos con una comunidad de control, Stockton, CA. Todos los tweets fueron codificados en R usando el Diccionario de emoción negativa de Consulta Lingüística y Recuento de Palabras (LIWC por sus siglas en inglés). Se utilizó una técnica de regresión por partes con un análisis de discontinuidad para evaluar las trayectorias de las emociones negativas pre y post evento a través de la ventana del estudio. Controlando la variabilidad intra-usuario, las emociones negativas aumentaron en un 6.2%, ß = .182, SE = .014, p<.001, en San Bernardino en el día del ataque y permaneció elevado por 5 días; no se observó ningún aumento en Stockton. Discutimos como las técnicas analíticas de texto impulsadas por datos son útiles para explorar el contenido de Twitter generado después de traumas colectivos y describimos los desafíos y oportunidades que acompañan al análisis de datos de redes sociales para comprender el impacto de la violencia masiva en la población afectada.

Aftermath of Terror: A Nationwide Longitudinal Study of Posttraumatic Stress and Worry Across the Decade Following the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks.

Research conducted in the early years after the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks in New York, Pennsylvania, and Washington, DC demonstrated adverse psychological outcomes among residents of the United States who were exposed to the attacks both directly and indirectly via the media. However, less is known about the impact of this collective trauma over time. Beginning at the end of December 2006, a longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of U.S. residents (Cohort 2, N = 1,613) examined the long-term effects of 9/11, with annual assessments administered every year for 3 years. We assessed rates of 9/11-related posttraumatic stress (PTS) annually during the first 2 years of the study; during the second and third years of the study, we assessed fear and worry regarding future terrorism. Rates of PTS among participants were compared with those assessed annually in a nationally representative sample between 2002 and 2004 (Cohort 1); results indicated a relatively stable pattern of 9/11-related PTS symptoms for 6 years following the attacks. Five to six years after 9/11, we found an association between 9/11-related PTS and both direct, B = 8.45, 95% CI [4.32, 12.59] and media-based (live television), B = 1.78, 95% CI [0.90, 2.65] exposure to the attacks. Six to 7 years post-9/11, fear and worry regarding future terrorism were predicted by 9/11-related PTS symptoms that had been reported approximately 5 years after the attacks, B = 0.04, 95% CI [0.03, 0.05]. The psychological legacy of 9/11 was perceptible among many U.S. residents throughout the decade that followed.

Public Understanding of Ebola Risks: Mastering an Unfamiliar Threat.

Ebola was the most widely followed news story in the United States in October 2014. Here, we ask what members of the U.S. public learned about the disease, given the often chaotic media environment. Early in 2015, we surveyed a representative sample of 3,447 U.S. residents about their Ebola-related beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. Where possible, we elicited judgments in terms sufficiently precise to allow comparing them to scientific estimates (e.g., the death toll to date and the probability of dying once ill). Respondents' judgments were generally consistent with one another, with scientific knowledge, and with their self-reported behavioral responses and policy preferences. Thus, by the time the threat appeared to have subsided in the United States, members of the public, as a whole, had seemingly mastered its basic contours. Moreover, they could express their beliefs in quantitative terms. Judgments of personal risk were weakly and inconsistently related to reported gender, age, education, income, or political ideology. Better educated and wealthier respondents saw population risks as lower; females saw them as higher. More politically conservative respondents saw Ebola as more transmissible and expressed less support for public health policies. In general, respondents supported providing "honest, accurate information, even if that information worried people." These results suggest the value of proactive communications designed to inform the lay public's decisions, thoughts, and emotions, and informed by concurrent surveys of their responses and needs.

Media's role in broadcasting acute stress following the Boston Marathon bombings.

We compared the impact of media vs. direct exposure on acute stress response to collective trauma. We conducted an Internet-based survey following the Boston Marathon bombings between April 29 and May 13, 2013, with representative samples of residents from Boston (n = 846), New York City (n = 941), and the remainder of the United States (n = 2,888). Acute stress symptom scores were comparable in Boston and New York [regression coefficient (b) = 0.43; SE = 1.42; 95% confidence interval (CI), -2.36, 3.23], but lower nationwide when compared with Boston (b = -2.21; SE = 1.07; 95% CI, -4.31, -0.12). Adjusting for prebombing mental health (collected prospectively), demographics, and prior collective stress exposure, six or more daily hours of bombing-related media exposure in the week after the bombings was associated with higher acute stress than direct exposure to the bombings (continuous acute stress symptom total: media exposure b = 15.61 vs. direct exposure b = 5.69). Controlling for prospectively collected prebombing television-watching habits did not change the findings. In adjusted models, direct exposure to the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the Sandy Hook School shootings were both significantly associated with bombing-related acute stress; Superstorm Sandy exposure wasn't. Prior exposure to similar and/or violent events may render some individuals vulnerable to the negative effects of collective traumas. Repeatedly engaging with trauma-related media content for several hours daily shortly after collective trauma may prolong acute stress experiences and promote substantial stress-related symptomatology. Mass media may become a conduit that spreads negative consequences of community trauma beyond directly affected communities.

Evacuation from Natural Disasters: A Systematic Review of the Literature.

Research on evacuation from natural disasters has been published across the peer-reviewed literature among several disparate disciplinary outlets and has suggested a wide variety of predictors of evacuation behavior. We conducted a systematic review to summarize and evaluate the current literature on demographic, storm-related, and psychosocial correlates of natural disaster evacuation behavior. Eighty-three eligible papers utilizing 83 independent samples were identified. Risk perception was a consistent positive predictor of evacuation, as were several demographic indicators, prior evacuation behavior, and having an evacuation plan. The influence of prior experiences, self-efficacy, personality, and links between expected and actual behavior were examined less frequently. Prospective, longitudinal designs are relatively uncommon. Although difficult to conduct in postdisaster settings, more prospective, methodologically rigorous studies would bolster inferences. Results synthesize the current body of literature on evacuation behavior and can help inform the design of more effective predisaster evacuation warnings and procedures.

Media Use and Exposure to Graphic Content in the Week Following the Boston Marathon Bombings.

Traditional and new media inform and expose the public to potentially distressing graphic content following disasters, but predictors of media use have received limited attention. We examine media-use patterns after the Boston Marathon bombings (BMB) in a representative national U.S. sample (n = 2888), with representative oversamples from metropolitan Boston (n = 845) and New York City (n = 941). Respondents completed an Internet-based survey 2-4 weeks post-BMB. Use of traditional media was correlated with older age, prior indirect media-based exposure to collective traumas, and direct BMB exposure. New media use was correlated with younger age and prior direct exposure to collective traumas. Increased television and online news viewing were associated with exposure to more graphic content. The relationship between traditional and new media was stronger for young adults than all other age groups. We offer insights about the relationship between prior collective trauma exposures and media use following subsequent disasters and identify media sources likely to expose people to graphic content.

Cumulative exposure to prior collective trauma and acute stress responses to the Boston marathon bombings.

The role of repeated exposure to collective trauma in explaining response to subsequent community-wide trauma is poorly understood. We examined the relationship between acute stress response to the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings and prior direct and indirect media-based exposure to three collective traumatic events: the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks, Superstorm Sandy, and the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting. Representative samples of residents of metropolitan Boston (n = 846) and New York City (n = 941) completed Internet-based surveys shortly after the Boston Marathon bombings. Cumulative direct exposure and indirect exposure to prior community trauma and acute stress symptoms were assessed. Acute stress levels did not differ between Boston and New York metropolitan residents. Cumulative direct and indirect, live-media-based exposure to 9/11, Superstorm Sandy, and the Sandy Hook shooting were positively associated with acute stress responses in the covariate-adjusted model. People who experience multiple community-based traumas may be sensitized to the negative impact of subsequent events, especially in communities previously exposed to similar disasters.

The shared experience of adolescent and young adult cancer patients and their caregivers.

OBJECTIVE: We examined the interdependent, dyadic, mental health of adolescent and young adult (AYA) cancer patients and their caregivers. Our aims were as follows: (1) to investigate the degree to which patients' and caregivers' subjective perceptions of illness severity are congruent with objective severity (i.e., medical indicators), (2) to compare patients' and caregivers' subjective perceptions of illness severity and cancer-related posttraumatic stress symptoms (PTSS), and (3) to evaluate whether subjective perceptions of illness severity are linked to patients' and caregivers' cancer-related PTSS. METHODS: The AYA cancer patients (n = 110; ages 12-24 years; 52% male) undergoing active treatment at an outpatient clinic and their caregivers (n = 110; 97% parents; ages 24-68 years; 89% female) independently reported their PTSS and subjective illness severity. RESULTS: Overall, neither patients' nor caregivers' reports of subjective illness severity were associated with objective illness severity. Caregivers reported higher PTSS than did patients and higher illness severity than younger, but not older, patients. Actor-partner interdependence model analyses indicated that AYA patients' subjective illness severity is the strongest predictor of their own PTSS and is a significant correlate of their caregivers' PTSS. Caregivers' subjective illness severity is associated with their own PTSS only. Results remained robust after controlling for demographic and illness characteristics. CONCLUSIONS: The AYA patients' and caregivers' illness perceptions are distinct from each other and from objective medical indicators of illness severity. Patients' reports of subjective illness severity may be a marker for their own and their caregivers' mental health. Patient care and efficacious psychosocial interventions may require consideration of both patients' and caregivers' subjective perceptions of illness severity.

Betrayal trauma and somatic symptoms among patients in a medically underserved primary care clinic.

OBJECTIVE: Betrayal Trauma Theory posits that victims of trauma are more prone to developing psychological and physical problems if the traumatic event includes the element of betrayal. We sought to evaluate the impact of betrayal trauma versus nonbetrayal trauma and no trauma exposure on the risk of patients' reporting somatic symptoms in six domains (gastrointestinal, cardiopulmonary, musculoskeletal, pseudoneurological, gynecological, or any symptom). METHOD: Medically underserved patients (N = 1,350) who presented to a primary care clinic in California completed a structured standardized interview that assessed trauma history (Diagnostic Interview Schedule) and somatization symptoms (Composite International Diagnostic Interview). Using Betrayal Trauma Theory as a guide, respondents were classified into "no trauma," "nonbetrayal trauma," and "betrayal trauma" groups. RESULTS: Compared to "no trauma" patients, patients who experienced nonbetrayal trauma were more likely to endorse all symptom domains (ORs = 1.30-1.50) except gastrointestinal and musculoskeletal; compared to "no trauma" patients, patients who experienced betrayal trauma were more likely to endorse all symptom domains (ORs = 1.61-3.12) except gynecological. Compared to patients who experienced nonbetrayal trauma, exposure to betrayal trauma increased the likelihood of reporting any (OR = 2.25), gastrointestinal (OR = 1.56), and pseudoneurological symptoms (OR = 1.71), as well as symptoms spanning multiple physiological systems (incidence rate ratio = 1.27). Each nonbetrayal trauma increased the likelihood of symptom reporting across all domains (ORs = 1.18-1.40); each betrayal trauma increased the likelihood across all domains (ORs = 1.41-2.31) except gynecological. CONCLUSION: Both nonbetrayal and betrayal trauma may predispose victims to somatization. Compared to nonbetrayal trauma, betrayal trauma confers a greater magnitude of risk for having a somatic symptom across each symptom domain except gynecological. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

Mental- and physical-health effects of acute exposure to media images of the September 11, 2001, attacks and the Iraq War.

Millions of people witnessed early, repeated television coverage of the September 11 (9/11), 2001, terrorist attacks and were subsequently exposed to graphic media images of the Iraq War. In the present study, we examined psychological- and physical-health impacts of exposure to these collective traumas. A U.S. national sample (N = 2,189) completed Web-based surveys 1 to 3 weeks after 9/11; a subsample (n = 1,322) also completed surveys at the initiation of the Iraq War. These surveys measured media exposure and acute stress responses. Posttraumatic stress symptoms related to 9/11 and physician-diagnosed health ailments were assessed annually for 3 years. Early 9/11- and Iraq War-related television exposure and frequency of exposure to war images predicted increased posttraumatic stress symptoms 2 to 3 years after 9/11. Exposure to 4 or more hr daily of early 9/11-related television and cumulative acute stress predicted increased incidence of health ailments 2 to 3 years later. These findings suggest that exposure to graphic media images may result in physical and psychological effects previously assumed to require direct trauma exposure.

Shared social identity and media transmission of trauma.

When an individual or group trauma becomes a shared public experience through widespread media coverage (e.g., mass violence, being publicly outed), sharing a social identity with a targeted individual or group of victims may amplify feelings of personal vulnerability. This heightened perceived threat may draw people to engage with trauma-related media because of increased vigilance for self-relevant threats, which can, in turn, amplify distress. We studied this possibility among two U.S. national samples following the 2016 Pulse nightclub massacre in Orlando, FL (N = 4675) and the 2018 Dr. Christine Blasey Ford and Judge Brett Kavanaugh Supreme Court Senate hearings (N = 4894). Participants who shared LGBT or Hispanic identities with Pulse massacre victims reported greater exposure to massacre-related media and acute stress. Participants who shared Dr. Blasey Ford's identities as a victim of interpersonal violence and a Democrat reported more hearings-related media exposure and acute stress. Indirect effects of shared single identity on acute stress through self-reported event-related media exposure emerged in both studies. Results for sharing dual identities with victims were mixed. These findings have implications for media use and public health.

Distortions in time perception during collective trauma: Insights from a national longitudinal study during the COVID-19 pandemic.

OBJECTIVE: During the protracted collective trauma of the COVID-19 pandemic, lay of distorted perceptions of time (e.g., time slowing, days blurring together, uncertainty about the future) have been widespread. Known as "temporal disintegration" in psychiatric literature, these distortions are associated with negative mental health consequences. However, the prevalence and predictors of temporal disintegration are poorly understood. We examined perceptions of time passing and their associations with lifetime stress and trauma and pandemic-related secondary stress as COVID-19 spread across the United States. METHOD: A probability-based national sample (N = 5,661) from the NORC AmeriSpeak online panel, which had completed a mental and physical health survey prior to the pandemic, completed two surveys online during March 18-April 18, 2020, and September 26-October 16, 2020. Distorted time perceptions and other pandemic-related experiences were assessed. RESULTS: Present focus, blurring weekdays and weekdays together, and uncertainty about the future were common experiences reported by over 65% of the sample 6 months into the pandemic. Half of the sample reported time speeding up or slowing down. Predictors of temporal disintegration include prepandemic mental health diagnoses, daily pandemic-related media exposure and secondary stress (e.g., school closures, lockdown), financial stress, and lifetime stress and trauma exposure. CONCLUSION: During the first 6 months of the COVID-19 pandemic, distortions in time perception were very common and associated with prepandemic mental health, lifetime stress and trauma exposure, and pandemic-related media exposure and stressors. Given that temporal disintegration is a risk factor for mental health challenges, these findings have potential implications for public mental health. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

They Saw a Hearing: Democrats' and Republicans' Perceptions of and Responses to the Ford-Kavanaugh Hearings.

In several highly publicized hearings, Dr. Christine Blasey Ford and Judge Brett Kavanaugh presented two opposing accounts of an alleged sexual assault. In the wake of these proceedings, partisans appeared similarly divided in how they regarded this political event. Using a U.S. national sample (N = 2,474) and a mixed-methods design, we investigated partisans' perceptions of, and responses to, the Ford-Kavanaugh hearings. Respondents reported their views of the hearings soon after they occurred. We used topic modeling to analyze these open-ended responses and found uniquely partisan topics emerged, including judicial impartiality and due process. Acute stress (AS) responses to the hearings were also related to partisan identities and perceptions; both Republicans (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 0.81, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [0.78, 0.84]) and individuals who wrote more about Republican topics (IRR = 0.72, 95% CI = [0.56, 0.92]) reported lower AS than their Democratic counterparts. Results demonstrate different partisan perceptions with implications for mental health outcomes.