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OBJECTIVE: To systematically assess the Canadian federal government's current alcohol policies in relation to public health best practices. METHODS: The 2022 Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation (CAPE) Project assessed federal alcohol policies across 10 domains. Policy domains were weighted according to evidence for their relative impact, including effectiveness and scope. A detailed scoring rubric of best practices was developed and externally reviewed by international experts. Policy data were collected between June and December 2022, using official legislation, government websites, and data sources identified from previous iterations of CAPE as sources. Contacts within relevant government departments provided any additional data sources, reviewed the accuracy and completeness of the data, and provided amendments as needed. Data were scored independently by members of the research team. Final policy scores were tabulated and presented as a weighted overall average score and as unweighted domain-specific scores. RESULTS: Compared to public health best practices, the federal government of Canada scored 37% overall. The three most impactful domains-(1) pricing and taxation, (2) marketing and advertising controls, and (3) impaired driving countermeasures-received some of the lowest scores (39%, 10%, and 40%, respectively). Domain-specific scores varied considerably from 0% for minimum legal age policies to 100% for controls on physical availability of alcohol. CONCLUSION: Many evidence-informed alcohol policies have not been adopted, or been adopted only partially, by the Canadian federal government. Urgent adoption of the recommended policies is needed to prevent and reduce the enormous health, social, and economic costs of alcohol use in Canada.
RéSUMé: OBJECTIF: Évaluer de manière systématique les politiques sur l'alcool actuelles du gouvernement fédéral canadien dans le cadre de pratiques de santé publique exemplaires. MéTHODES: Le projet de l'Évaluation des politiques canadiennes sur l'alcoolâ¯2022 a évalué les politiques fédérales sur l'alcool dans dix domaines. Ces domaines de politiques ont été pondérés en fonction de preuves sur leurs répercussions relatives, notamment leur efficacité et leur portée. Une échelle d'évaluation descriptive détaillée de pratiques exemplaires a été élaborée et examinée à l'externe. Entre juin et décembre 2022, des données sur les politiques ont été recueillies dans la législation officielle, sur des sites Web du gouvernement et au moyen de sources identifiées comme telles au cours des itérations précédentes du projet de l'Évaluation des politiques canadiennes sur l'alcool. Des personnes-ressources au sein des ministères concernés ont communiqué d'autres sources de données, examiné l'exactitude et le caractère exhaustif de ces données et apporté les modifications nécessaires. Les données ont été évaluées indépendamment par des membres de l'équipe de recherche. Les scores de politiques finaux ont été inscrits dans des tableaux et présentés sous forme d'une moyenne générale pondérée et de scores non pondérés par domaine. RéSULTATS: Comparativement aux pratiques de santé publique exemplaire, le gouvernement fédéral du Canada a obtenu un score général de 37 %. Les trois domaines susceptibles d'avoir les plus grandes répercussions, à savoir 1) la fixation des prix et la taxation, 2) le contrôle du marketing et de la publicité, et 3) les mesures contre la conduite avec facultés affaiblies, se sont vu attribuer parmi les scores les plus bas (39 %, 10 %, et 40 % respectivement). Les scores par domaine variaient considérablement, allant de 0 % pour les politiques sur l'âge minimum légal à 100 % pour le contrôle de la disponibilité physique de l'alcool. CONCLUSION: De nombreuses politiques sur l'alcool reposant sur des preuves n'ont pas été adoptées, ou l'ont été seulement partiellement, par le gouvernement fédéral canadien. Il est urgent d'appliquer les politiques recommandées pour prévenir et réduire les énormes coûts sanitaires, sociaux et économiques de la consommation d'alcool au Canada.
Asunto(s)
Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas , Política de Salud , Canadá , Humanos , Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas/legislación & jurisprudencia , Consumo de Bebidas Alcohólicas/prevención & control , Gobierno Federal , Política Pública , Bebidas Alcohólicas/economía , Prioridades en SaludRESUMEN
The COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately impacted health and social outcomes for people of color in the United States. This study examined how local TV news stories attributed causes and solutions for COVID-19-related racial health and social disparities, and whether coverage of such disparities changed after George Floyd's murder, during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. We systematically validated keywords to extract relevant news content and conducted a content analysis of 169 discrete local TV news stories aired between March and June 2020 from 80 broadcast networks within 22 purposefully selected media markets. We found that social determinants of COVID-19 related racial disparities have been part of the discussion in local TV news, but racism as a public health crisis was rarely mentioned. Coverage of racial disparities focused far more attention on physical health outcomes than broader social impacts. Stories cited more structural factors than individual factors, as causes of these disparities. After the murder of George Floyd, stories were more likely to mention Black and Latinx people than other populations impacted by COVID-19. Only 9% of local news stories referenced racism, and stories referenced politicians more frequently than public health experts.
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PURPOSE: To test for racial/ethnic differences in perceived argument strength in favor of structural interventions to curb childhood obesity among lower-income parents of young children. DESIGN: Cross-sectional, self-report. SETTING: Online research panel, national sample of 1485 US adults in Fall 2019. PARTICIPANTS: Parents of children (age 0-5 years) with an annual income <$40,000, stratified by White, Black and/or Latinx race/ethnicity. MEASURES: SSB consumption, policy support, and strength of arguments in favor of marketing restrictions and a penny-per-ounce tax. ANALYSIS: Descriptive statistics, multivariable OLS models. RESULTS: Race/ethnicity was not a significant predictor of the perceived strength of a composite of marketing arguments (pBlack = 0.07; pLatinx = 0.10), however it was a significant predictor of the perceived strength of tax arguments (pBlack = 0.01; pLatinx = 0.01). Perceptions of strength of 12 of 35 discrete SSB tax arguments differed by race/ethnicity (p < .05). Arguments regarding industry targeting of Black children (marketing: pBlack < .001; pLatinx = .001; tax: pBlack < .001; pLatinx = .001), were particularly demonstrative of this difference. In contrast, arguments that these policies would provide support for parents (marketing: pBlack = 0.20; pLatinx = 0.84) and communities (tax: pBlack = 0.24; pLatinx = 0.58) were seen as strong arguments across groups. CONCLUSIONS: Black and Hispanic/Latinx parents may be more prepared to move toward SSB policy support than white parents. Emphasizing community benefits of policy may be effective in moving constituents toward policy support across groups.