Asunto(s)
Endoftalmitis , Geografía/historia , Nombres , Australia , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XX , HumanosRESUMEN
In this paper I propose a new account of living natural products in Kant's physical geography. I argue that Kant adopts Buffon's twofold conception of natural history, which consists of a general theory of nature as a physical nexus of causes and a particular account of living natural products in the setting of the earth. Yet in contrast to Buffon, who placed the two parts of natural history on equal epistemic footing, Kant's physical geography can be understood as a second, pragmatic level of inquiry that stands under the formal conditions of nature outlined in Universal Natural History. On the higher, formal level, natural history provides a physical account of time and space as an expanding causal sequence. On the lower, pragmatic level, physical geography provides a causal account of particular natural products as developing within a specific place. I argue that this two-tiered account not only clarifies the relation between metaphysics and experience in Kant's pre-critical philosophy, it also sheds light on the continuity between the method of physical geography and the systematisation of nature presented in the critical philosophy.
Asunto(s)
Geografía/historia , Historia Natural/historia , Filosofía/historia , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Historia del Siglo XIX , Metafisica/historiaRESUMEN
The genomes of ancient humans, Neandertals, and Denisovans contain many alleles that influence disease risks. Using genotypes at 3,180 disease-associated loci, we estimated the disease burden of 147 ancient genomes. After correcting for missing data, genetic risk scores (GRS) were generated for nine disease categories and the set of all combined diseases. We used these genetic risk scores to examine the effects of different types of subsistence, geography, and sample age on the number of risk alleles in each ancient genome. On a broad scale, hereditary disease risks are similar for ancient hominins and modern-day humans, and the GRS percentiles of ancient individuals span the full range of what is observed in present-day individuals. In addition, there is evidence that ancient pastoralists may have had healthier genomes than hunter-gatherers and agriculturalists. We also observed a temporal trend whereby genomes from the recent past are more likely to be healthier than genomes from the deep past. This calls into question the idea that modern lifestyles have caused genetic load to increase over time. Focusing on individual genomes, we found that the overall genomic health of the Altai Neandertal is worse than 97% of present-day humans and that Ötzi, the Tyrolean Iceman, had a genetic predisposition for gastrointestinal and cardiovascular diseases. As demonstrated by this work, ancient genomes afford us new opportunities to diagnose past human health, which has previously been limited by the quality and completeness of remains.
Asunto(s)
Predisposición Genética a la Enfermedad/genética , Variación Genética/genética , Hominidae/genética , Animales , Cartilla de ADN , ADN Mitocondrial/clasificación , ADN Mitocondrial/genética , Evolución Molecular , Biblioteca de Genes , Estudios de Asociación Genética , Predisposición Genética a la Enfermedad/clasificación , Predisposición Genética a la Enfermedad/historia , Genómica , Geografía/clasificación , Geografía/historia , Historia Antigua , Humanos , Hombre de Neandertal/genética , FilogeniaRESUMEN
The International Map of the World was a hugely ambitious scheme to create standardized maps of the entire world. It was first proposed in 1891 and remained a going concern until 1986. Over the course of the project's official life, nearly every country in the world took part, and map sheets were published showing all but a few areas of the planet. But the project ended quite unceremoniously, repudiated by cartographers and mapping institutions alike, and it is now remembered as a 'sad story' of network failure. How can we evaluate this kind of sprawling, multigenerational project? In order to move beyond practitioners' (and historians') habit of summarizing the entire endeavor using the blunt categories of success and failure, I propose a more temporally aware reading, one that both disaggregates the (persistent) project from the (always changing) network and sees project and network as invertible, with the possibility of zombie projects and negative networks that can remain robust even when disconnected from their original goals. I therefore see the abandonment of the International Map of the World as resulting from vigorous collaboration and new norms in cartography, not from lack of cooperation or other resources. New categories are required for analyzing science over the long durée.
Asunto(s)
Mapeo Geográfico , Cooperación Internacional/historia , Geografía/historia , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XXRESUMEN
In 1859, Harvard botanist Asa Gray (1810-1888) published an essay of what he called "the abstract of Japan botany." In it, he applied Charles Darwin's evolutionary theory to explain why strong similarities could be found between the flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, which provoked his famous debate with Louis Agassiz (1807-1873) and initiated Gray's efforts to secure a place for Darwinian biology in the American sciences. Notably, although the Gray-Agassiz debate has become one of the most thoroughly studied scientific debates, historians of science remain unable to answer one critical question: How was Gray able to acquire specimens from Japan? Making use of previously unknown archival materials, this article scrutinizes the institutional, instrumental, financial, and military settings that enabled Gray's collector, Charles Wright (1811-1885), to travel to Japan, as well as examine Wright's collecting practices in Japan. I argue that it is necessary to examine Gray's diagnosis of Japan's flora and the subsequent debate about it from the viewpoint of field sciences. The field-centered approach not only unveils an array of historical significances that have been overshadowed by the analytical framework of the Darwinian revolution and the reception of Darwinism, but also places a seemingly domestic incident in a transnational context.
Asunto(s)
Evolución Biológica , Botánica/historia , Disentimientos y Disputas/historia , Expediciones/historia , Plantas , Geografía/historia , Historia del Siglo XIX , Japón , América del NorteRESUMEN
One of the purposes of the research program referred to as "systematic biogeography" is the use of species distributions to identify regions and reconstruct biotic area relationships. The reverse, i.e. to group species according to the areas that they live in, leads to the recognition of chorological categories. Biogeographers, working under these two different approaches, have proposed several terms to refer to groups of species that have similar distributions, such as "element", "chorotype" and "component". A historical reconstruction, including semantic observations and philosophical implications, shows that these terms have been used in a variety of senses. The word "component" should not be used in biogeography. The word "element" has been used to identify both a group of species defined according to the biogeographic areas they occupy and a group of species with an assumed shared biogeographic history. It is especially because of the influence of the dispersalist paradigm, which dominated evolutionary thought until the mid-twentieth century, that the second definition has been frequently adopted. The term "element" is therefore ambiguous and its use should always be associated with an explicit definition. The word "chorotype" should be used to define groups of species with similar ranges when no causal assumption is made. The concept of "chorotype," finally, should not be confounded with other concepts such as distributional pattern, cenocron, horofauna, biota, endemic area, area of endemism, biotic element, and generalized track, which are also discussed in this paper.
Asunto(s)
Biología/historia , Geografía/historia , Terminología como Asunto , Distribución Animal , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XX , Dispersión de las PlantasRESUMEN
Abstract An old topographic compass displayed in a showroom of the Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins (MAST), in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, took our curiosity namely because of its resemblance to a theodolite, described by J.H. de Magellan. Not many things were known about its previous history. From the different documents studied, and the characteristics of this singular theodolite, it must have belonged to the collections of instruments acquired for the Brazilian border demarcations undertaken after the Santo Ildefonso Treaty, agreed to by the Portuguese and Spanish courts in 1777. Several instruments were bought in London, and supervised and chosen by Magellan, the Portuguese instruments expert. We present arguments in favour of this conclusion.
Resumo Um antigo compasso topográfico em exibição no Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins (Mast), no Rio de Janeiro, chamou-nos a atenção por sua semelhança com um teodolito descrito por João Jacinto de Magalhães. Pouco era conhecido sobre sua história prévia. De acordo com os diversos documentos estudados e as caracteríticas desse único teodolito, ele deve ter pertencido às coleções de instrumentos adquiridos para a demarcação das fronteiras brasileiras realizadas após o Tratato de Santo Ildefonso, acordado entre as cortes portuguesa e espanhola em 1777. Vários instrumentos foram comprados em Londres, supervisionados e escolhidos por Magalhães, o perito português em instrumentos. Apresentamos argumentos que corroboram essa conclusão.
Asunto(s)
Historia del Siglo XVIII , Historia del Siglo XIX , Geografía/historia , Telescopios/historia , Viaje/historia , Brasil , Geografía/instrumentaciónRESUMEN
An old topographic compass displayed in a showroom of the Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins (MAST), in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, took our curiosity namely because of its resemblance to a theodolite, described by J.H. de Magellan. Not many things were known about its previous history. From the different documents studied, and the characteristics of this singular theodolite, it must have belonged to the collections of instruments acquired for the Brazilian border demarcations undertaken after the Santo Ildefonso Treaty, agreed to by the Portuguese and Spanish courts in 1777. Several instruments were bought in London, and supervised and chosen by Magellan, the Portuguese instruments expert. We present arguments in favour of this conclusion.
Asunto(s)
Geografía/historia , Telescopios/historia , Viaje/historia , Brasil , Geografía/instrumentación , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Historia del Siglo XIXRESUMEN
In 1761 the French scholar and Sinologue Joseph de Guignes announced that "Chinese vessels made the voyage to America many centuries before Christopher Columbus." From the Chinese books in the Bibliotheque du Roi and new missionary reports from Beijing, he concluded that the mythical land of Fusang described by a medieval Buddhist monk could be nowhere other than the west coast of North America, only recently charted by European navigators. Philippe Buache, premier géographe du roi, agreed. At the height of the French Enlightenment, the indigenous geographical tradition of China could be used to further the progress of universal science, providing evidence about issues from the mapping of the Pacific Rim to the organization of the continents. Furthermore, the story of Fusang explained the origins of American peoples, showing that the inhabitants of the New World had arrived there from the Old and contributing to a diffusionist account of the development of civilization in space and time.
Asunto(s)
Expediciones/historia , Geografía/historia , Manuscritos como Asunto/historia , Antropología Cultural/historia , China , Francia , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Historia Medieval , Migración Humana , Humanos , América del Norte , CienciaRESUMEN
This paper focuses on the geography of the botanical community in Paris, under the July Monarchy (1830-1848). At that time, the Muséum d'Histoire naturelle (MHN) was at its institutional acme and, under the impulse of François Guizot, its budget was increasing dramatically. However, closer attention to manuscript sources (correspondence, travel diaries) reveals that the botanists of the time favoured other private institutions, located both on the Right and Left Banks of the Seine. The MHN was prestigious for its collections and professors but it was relatively remote from the centre of Paris, and its plant samples were sometimes difficult to access. Several other first-class private herbaria granted liberal access to botanists: those of Jacques Gay, Phillip Barker Webb, and Benjamin Delessert. Thanks to their wealth, these plant amateurs had ownership of historical herbaria consisting of species types alongside rich botanical libraries. Botanists visiting Paris from foreign countries or other provinces of France also spent some time studying less general plant collections, like those of Count Jaubert, or specialized collections, like Montagne's or Léveillé's on cryptogams. Other botanists also enjoyed renown at the time, although they published little, if anything (like Maire). Living in crammed apartments, literally in the middle of their plant samples, these botanists were key nodes in botanical networks, although they had no relation with the prestigious MHN.
Asunto(s)
Botánica/historia , Museos/historia , Agricultura/historia , Geografía/historia , Historia del Siglo XIX , Bibliotecas Especializadas/historia , Paris , PlantasRESUMEN
This paper aims to demonstrate that astrology was one of the disciplines that most strongly experienced the process that led European natural philosophers, once they were confronted with the nature of the New World, to recognise that previous knowledge was not as complete or absolute as previously assumed, and that the content of several disciplines had to be renewed, both epistemologically and methodologically. This paper focuses on the work by the cosmographer Henrico Martinez, Repertorio de los tiempos (1606), in which he established the astrological influences specific to Mexico, and the work Sitio, naturatezay propiedades de la Ciudad de Mexico (1618) by the physician Diego Cisneros, who refuted Martinez's astrology for Mexico and created his own instructions for the use of astrology in the practice of medicine in New Spain.
Asunto(s)
Astrología/historia , Historia de la Medicina , Conocimiento , Médicos/historia , Astronomía/historia , Geografía/historia , Geología/historia , Historia del Siglo XVII , MéxicoRESUMEN
This essay seeks to explain the most glaring error in Ptolemy's geography: the greatly exaggerated longitudinal extent of the known world as shown on his map. The main focus is on a recent hypothesis that attributes all responsibility for this error to Ptolemy's adoption of the wrong value for the circumference of the Earth. This explanation has challenging implications for our understanding of ancient geography: it presupposes that before Ptolemy there had been a tradition of high-accuracy geodesy and cartography based on Eratosthenes' measurement of the Earth. The essay argues that this hypothesis does not stand up to scrutiny. The story proves to be much more complex than can be accounted for by a single-factor explanation. A more careful analysis of the evidence allows us to assess the individual contribution to Ptolemy's error made by each character in this story: Eratosthenes, Ptolemy, ancient surveyors, and others. As a result, a more balanced and well-founded assessment is offered: Ptolemy's reputation is rehabilitated in part, and the delusion of high-accuracy ancient cartography is dispelled.
Asunto(s)
Astronomía/historia , Planeta Tierra , Geografía/historia , Geología/historia , Pesos y Medidas/historia , Disentimientos y Disputas/historia , Historia Antigua , Humanos , Conceptos MatemáticosRESUMEN
In the early exploration and colonization of the Americas, Europeans encountered unfamiliar climates that challenged received ideas from classical geography. This experience drove innovative efforts to understand and explain patterns of weather and seasons in the New World. A close examination of three climatic puzzles (the habitability of the tropics, debates on the likelihood of a Northwest Passage, and the unexpectedly harsh weather in the first North American colonies) illustrates how sixteenth- and seventeenth-century observers made three intellectual breakthroughs: conceiving of climates as a distinct subject of inquiry, crossing the hitherto-separated disciplines of geography and meteorology, and developing new theories regarding the influence of prevailing winds on patterns of weather and seasons. While unquantified and unsystematic, these novel approaches promoted a new understanding of climates critical to the emergence of climate science. This study offers new insights into the foundations of climatology and the role of the New World in early modern science.
Asunto(s)
Geografía/historia , Meteorología/historia , Américas , Clima , Historia del Siglo XVI , Historia del Siglo XVIIRESUMEN
Fire-use and the scale and character of its effects on landscapes remain hotly debated in the paleo- and historical-fire literature. Since the second half of the nineteenth century, anthropology and geography have played important roles in providing theoretical propositions and testable hypotheses for advancing understandings of the ecological role of human-fire-use in landscape histories. This article reviews some of the most salient and persistent theoretical propositions and hypotheses concerning the role of humans in historical fire ecology. The review discusses this history in light of current research agendas, such as those offered by pyrogeography. The review suggests that a more theoretically cognizant historical fire ecology should strive to operationalize transdisciplinary theory capable of addressing the role of human variability in the evolutionary history of landscapes. To facilitate this process, researchers should focus attention on integrating more current human ecology theory into transdisciplinary research agendas.
Asunto(s)
Antropología Cultural/historia , Conservación de los Recursos Naturales , Incendios , Geografía/historia , Teoría Social , Ecosistema , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , HumanosRESUMEN
This article presents the concept of geohistory, as developed by the French historian Fernand Braudel in his text "Géohistoire: la société, l'espace et le temps", written while he was imprisoned during the Second World War. The concept expresses his criticism of the boundaries of academic disciplines, and the importance of geography in the construction of his long-term history. Inspired both by the study of relations between society and environment based on the work of French geographers, and by the triangular link of space-economy-society of German geographers, Braudel's geohistory presents an approach more consistent and more complex than Lucien Febvre's theses found in The earth and human evolution: e geographical introduction to history.
Asunto(s)
Geografía/historia , Cultura , Ambiente , Francia , Alemania , Historia del Siglo XX , HumanosRESUMEN
Regional warming associated with climate change is linked with altered range and abundance of species and ecosystems worldwide. However, the ecological impacts of changes in the frequency of extreme events have not been as well documented, especially for coastal and marine environments. We used 28 y of satellite imagery to demonstrate that the area of mangrove forests has doubled at the northern end of their historic range on the east coast of Florida. This expansion is associated with a reduction in the frequency of "extreme" cold events (days colder than -4 °C), but uncorrelated with changes in mean annual temperature, mean annual precipitation, and land use. Our analyses provide evidence for a threshold response, with declining frequency of severe cold winter events allowing for poleward expansion of mangroves. Future warming may result in increases in mangrove cover beyond current latitudinal limits of mangrove forests, thereby altering the structure and function of these important coastal ecosystems.