Main barriers to services linked to voluntary pregnancy termination on three grounds in Chile.

Introduction: After decades of absolute criminalization, on September 14, 2017, Chile decriminalized voluntary termination of pregnancy (VTP) when there is a life risk to the pregnant woman, lethal incompatibility of the embryo or fetus of genetic or chromosomal nature, and pregnancy due to rape. The implementation of the law reveals multiple barriers hindering access to the services provided by the law. Objectives: To identify and analyze, using the Tanahashi Model, the main barriers to the implementation of law 21,030 in public health institutions. This article contributes to the follow-up of this public policy, making visible the obstacles that violate women's rights of women to have dignified access to abortion and that affect the quality of health care in Chile. Material and method: Qualitative design, following the postpositivist paradigm. The sample consisted of relevant actors directly related to pregnancy termination. Snowball sampling and semi-structured interviews were used. Grounded theory was used through inductive coding, originating categories regrouped into meta-categories following Tanahashi's model. The rigor criteria of transferability, dependability, credibility, authenticity, and epistemological theoretical adequacy were used. The identity of the participants and the confidentiality of the information were protected. Results: From January 2021 to October 2022, 62 interviews were conducted with 20 members of the psychosocial support team; 18 managers; 17 members of the biomedical health team; 4 participants from of civil society, and three women users. The main obstacles correspond to availability barriers, accessibility barriers, acceptability barriers, contact barriers, and effectiveness barriers. Conclusions: Barriers to access abortion under three grounds violate the exercise of women's sexual and reproductive rights. It is urgent to carry out actions of control and follow-up of this public policy to the corresponding entities.

Primary care and abortion legislation in Chile: A failed point of entry.

While Chile's partial decriminalization of abortion in 2017 was a long overdue recognition of women's sexual and reproductive rights, nearly four years later the caseload remains well below expectations. This pattern is the product of standing barriers in access to abortion-related health services, especially at the primary care point of entry. This study seeks to identify and describe these barriers. The findings presented here were obtained through a qualitative, exploratory study based on 19 semi-structured interviews with relevant actors identified through non-random sampling and snowballing techniques. Coding was inductive and complemented by semantic content analysis. The authors find that the key barriers in primary care to accessing legal abortion are unfamiliarity with the law, insufficient practitioner training, intersectoral discrimination, and the stigma surrounding abortion. They conclude that the government needs to exercise its constitutional mandate as guarantor of public health and act promptly to safeguard and guarantee the abortion rights of Chilean women.

Primary health care, access to legal abortion and the notion of ideal victim among medical practitioners: The case of Chile.

In 2017, Chile enacted new legislation allowing access to legal abortion on three grounds, including rape. This article summarizes a qualitative, exploratory study that examined the role of primary healthcare services in the treatment of rape survivors in order to identify challenges and strengths in accessing legal abortion. The relevant data was collected through 19 semi-structured interviews conducted with key informants. The angry legislative debate that preceded enactment of the 2017 abortion bill evidenced the presence of strong biases against survivors of sexual violence. At the time, abortion opponents sought, inter alia, to discredit women who report rape, arguing that such claims would be misused to secure illicit abortions. In actual fact, however, rape has turned out to be the least used of all grounds for abortion, with girls and teens making up the smallest group of seekers. This article presents our findings on rape-related issues, notably the biases and shortcomings of medical practitioners regarding the new abortion law. We noted with concern their failure to screen for sexual violence and propensity to stigmatize the victims, a phenomenon that becomes exacerbated when it involves particularly vulnerable populations, such as girls and women who are poor, homeless, migrant, or who abuse alcohol or drugs. We further noted that prevalent stereotypes based on the notion of the ideal victim can revictimize girls and women and work to defeat the intent of the law. In Chile, the primary healthcare system is a key point of entry for abortion. In this highly charged arena, however, lack of political will, compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, have kept health care practitioners from undergoing timely, gender-sensitive training on the new law, a key requirement for ensuring dignified care and respect for women's rights. We conclude that if government policy is to prevent multiple, intersectional discrimination, it must recognize the diversity of women and adapt to their specific contexts and singularities.

Conscientious objection as structural violence in the voluntary termination of pregnancy in Chile.

Introduction: After three decades of the absolute prohibition of abortion, Chile enacted Law 21,030, which decriminalizes voluntary pregnancy termination when the person is at vital risk, when the embryo or fetus suffers from a congenital or genetic lethal pathology, and in pregnancy due to rape. The law incorporates conscientious objection as a broad right at the individual and institutional levels. Objectives: The aim of the study was to explore the exercise of conscientious objection in public health institutions, describing and analyzing its consequences and proposals to prevent it from operating as structural violence. Materials and methods: This study uses a qualitative, post-positivist design. At the national level, according to the chain technique, people who were identified as key actors due to their direct participation in implementing the law were included. Grounded theory was used to analyze the information obtained through a semi-structured interview. The methodological rigor criteria of transferability or applicability, dependability, credibility, auditability, and theoretical-methodological adequacy were met. Results: Data from 17 physicians, 5 midwives, 6 psychologists, 8 social workers, 2 nursing technicians, and 1 lawyer are included. From an inductive process through open coding, conscientious objection as structural violence and strategies to minimize the impact of objection emerge as meta-categories. The first meta-category emerges from the barriers linked to the implementation of the law, the infringement of the rights of the pregnant person, and pseudo conscientious objection, affecting timely and effective access to pregnancy termination. The second meta-category emerges as a response from the participants, proposing strategies to prevent conscientious objection from operating as structural violence. Conclusion: Conscientious objection acts as structural violence by infringing the exercise of sexual and reproductive rights. The State must fulfill its role as guarantor in implementing public policies, preventing conscientious objection from becoming hegemonic and institutionalized violence.

Prevalencia y características de objetores de conciencia a la Ley 21. 030 en instituciones públicas / Prevalence and characteristics of conscientious objectors to Law 21. 030 in public institutions

INTRODUCCIÓN: La Ley 21.030 permite la objeción de conciencia al personal de salud al interior del pabellón y a las instituciones privadas. Ha sido considerada conflicto de intereses no monetario, al anteponer los valores personales, afectando el cumplimiento del deber profesional. OBJETIVOS: Establecer la prevalencia de funcionarios/as objetores/as en los hospitales de la red pública del país y caracterizarles según edad, género y nacionalidad. MÉTODO: Estudio cuantitativo, analítico y transversal. Se utilizaron medidas de tendencia central y dispersión. Para medir la asociación entre variables sociodemográficas, profesión y causal objetada, se utilizaron las pruebas de χ2, exacta de Fisher y de Kruskal-Wallis. RESULTADOS: En 57 hospitales, se observa una mayor frecuencia de objetores en causal 3. En 443 objetores, la mediana de edad fue de 43 años, el 64,8% mujeres y el 87,4% de nacionalidad chilena. En las zonas centro y sur del país se concentra la mayor proporción de hospitales con más del 50% de objetores. CONCLUSIONES: La dificultad para obtener información impide conocer cabalmente la magnitud de la objeción de conciencia. Resulta preocupante la alta prevalencia de objetores, específicamente en la causal violación. La objeción no puede operar como barrera que vulnere los derechos y la dignidad de las mujeres.

INTRODUCTION: Law 21.030 incorporates conscientious objection for health personnel inside the surgical ward and allows its invocation by private institutions. It has been considered a conflict of interest, not monetary, by putting personal values first, affecting the fulfillment of professional duty. OBJECTIVE: To establish the prevalence of objectors in the countrys public network hospitals and characterize them according to age, gender, and nationality. METHOD: Quantitative, analytical, and cross-sectional study. Central and dispersion trend measures were used. For measuring the association between sociodemographic variables, profession and causal objected, test χ2, Fisher exact and Kruskal-Wallis test were used. RESULTS: In 57 hospitals, a higher frequency of objectors were observed in the third causal. In 443 objectors, the median age was 43 years, 64.8% are women, and 87.4% are Chilean. The central and southern areas of the country have the highest proportion of hospitals, with more than 50% objectors. CONCLUSIONS: The difficulty for obtaining the information prevents fully knowing the magnitude of conscientious objection in Chile. The high prevalence of objectors, specifically in the causal violation is worrying. The conscientious objection cannot operate as a barrier that violates the rights and dignity of women.

Chilean Medical and Midwifery Faculty's Views on Conscientious Objection for Abortion Services.

CONTEXT: In 2017, Chile reformed its abortion law to allow the procedure under limited circumstances. Exploring the views of Chilean medical and midwifery faculty regarding abortion and the use of conscientious objection (CO) at the time of reform can inform how these topics are being taught to the country's future health care providers. METHODS: Between March and September 2017, 30 medical and midwifery school faculty from universities in Santiago, Chile were interviewed; 20 of the faculty taught at secular universities and 10 taught at religiously affiliated universities. Faculty perspectives on CO and abortion, the scope of CO, and teaching about CO and abortion were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. RESULTS: Most faculty at secular and religiously affiliated universities supported the rights of clinicians to refuse to provide abortion care. Secular-university faculty generally thought that CO should be limited to specific providers and rejected the idea of institutional CO, whereas religious-university faculty strongly supported the use of CO by a broad range of providers and at the institutional level. Only secular-university faculty endorsed the idea that CO should be regulated so that it does not hinder access to abortion care. CONCLUSIONS: The broader support for CO in abortion among religious-university faculty raises concerns about whether students are being taught their ethical responsibility to put the needs of their patients above their own. Future research should monitor whether Chile's CO regulations and practices are guaranteeing people's access to abortion care.

RESUMEN Contexto: En 2017, Chile reformó su ley de aborto para permitir el procedimiento bajo circunstancias limitadas. Explorar las opiniones del personal académico de medicina y partería en relación con el aborto y el uso de la objeción de conciencia (OC) en el momento de la reforma, puede informar sobre los temas que están siendo enseñados a los futuros prestadores de servicios de salud del país. Métodos: Entre marzo y septiembre de 2017, fueron entrevistados 30 miembros del personal académico de las facultades de medicina y partería de universidades en Santiago, Chile. Veinte de ellos enseñaban en universidades laicas y diez en universidades con afiliación religiosa. Se analizaron las perspectivas del personal académico sobre la OC y el aborto, el alcance de la OC, y la enseñanza sobre OC y aborto, mediante el uso de un enfoque de teoría fundamentada. Resultados: La mayoría del personal académico de las universidades laicas y de las de afiliación religiosa apoyó el derecho del personal clínico a rehusarse a proveer servicios de aborto. En general, el personal académico de las universidades laicas pensó que la OC debería limitarse a proveedores de servicios específicos y rechazó la idea de una OC institucional, mientras que el personal académico de las universidades con afiliación religiosa apoyó decididamente el uso de la OC por un amplio conjunto de proveedores y a nivel institucional. Solamente el personal académico de las universidades laicas avaló la idea de que la OC debería ser regulada de tal forma que no obstaculizara el acceso a los servicios de aborto. Conclusions: El amplio apoyo a la OC en relación con el aborto en el personal académico de las universidades con afiliación religiosa genera preocupaciones sobre si se está enseñando a los estudiantes sobre su responsabilidad ética de poner las necesidades de sus pacientes por encima de las propias. Futuras investigaciones deben monitorear si las reglamentaciones y prácticas en materia de OC en Chile están garantizando el acceso de las personas a los servicios de aborto.

RÉSUMÉ Contexte: En 2017, le Chili a réformé sa législation de l'avortement, autorisant l'intervention dans des circonstances limitées. Létude de l'opinion du corps professoral des facultés de médecine et des écoles de sages-femmes concernant l'avortement et le recours à l'objection de conscience (OC) au moment de la réforme peut éclairer la manière dont ces sujets sont enseignés aux futurs prestataires de soins de santé du pays. Méthodes: Entre mars et septembre 2017, 30 professeurs et enseignants de facultés et écoles de médecine et de sages-femmes à Santiago (Chili) ont été interviewés; 20 enseignaient dans des universités laïques et 10, dans des universités de confession religieuse. Leurs points de vue sur l'OC et l'avortement, la portée de l'OC et l'enseignement relatif à l'OC et à l'avortement ont été analysés selon l'approche de la théorie ancrée. Résultats: Pour la plupart, le corps professoral des universités laïques et de confession religieuse reconnaissait le droit des cliniciens à refuser la prestation de soins d'avortement. Les professeurs d'universités laïques estimaient généralement que l'OC devrait être limitée à certains prestataires spécifiques et rejetaient la notion de l'OC institutionnelle, alors que ceux des facultés et écoles de confession religieuse soutenaient fermement le recours à l'OC par un large éventail de prestataires et au niveau institutionnel. Seul le corps professoral laïc souscrivait à l'idée que l'OC doit être réglementée de manière à ne pas entraver l'accès aux soins d'avortement. Conclusions: Le soutien plus large de l'OC à l'avortement parmi le corps professoral d'universités de confession religieuse soulève des questions quant à savoir si les étudiants sont sensibilisés à leur responsabilité éthique de faire passer les besoins de leurs patientes avant les leurs. La recherche future devra surveiller si la réglementation et la pratique de l'OC au Chili garantissent l'accès aux soins d'avortement.

"Obviously there is a conflict between confidentiality and what you are required to do by law": Chilean university faculty and student perspectives on reporting unlawful abortions.

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES: While Chile recently decriminalized abortion in cases of rape, lethal fetal anomaly, and to save a woman's life, most abortions are still criminalized. We assessed medical and midwifery school faculty and students' views on punishing and reporting people involved in unlawful abortion, and their understanding of their obligation to protect patient confidentiality and to report unlawful abortions. METHODS: We interviewed 30 medical and midwifery school clinician faculty from seven public, private, secular and Catholic-affiliated universities, all located in the metropolitan region of Santiago, Chile. Medical (n = 239) and midwifery (n = 79) students at these same seven universities completed an online survey. We coded faculty interview transcripts, and analyzed codes related to maintaining patient confidentiality and reporting unlawful abortion. We summarized student views related to reporting and imprisoning people involved in unlawful abortion, and used general estimating equation (GEE) models to identify the factors associated with support for criminalization. RESULTS: Faculty and students generally did not support reporting or imprisoning anyone involved in an unlawful abortion and believed that protecting patient information takes precedence over reporting. Yet, faculty described pressures to report in the public sector and several cases where they or their colleagues were involved in reports. Most students somewhat/strongly agreed (78%) that patient information concerning an unlawful abortion should be kept confidential; 35% strongly/somewhat agreed that a clinician involved in an unlawful surgical abortion should be imprisoned, and 18% agreed that the woman involved should be imprisoned, with students from secular universities being significantly less likely to support reporting and punishing people involved in unlawful abortion, than students from Catholic universities. DISCUSSION: There is a need to clarify clinicians' ethical obligations in abortion care, in particular in Catholic universities, so that they can ensure that their patients have access to high quality confidential health care services.

Medical and midwifery students' views on the use of conscientious objection in abortion care, following legal reform in Chile: a cross-sectional study.

BACKGROUND: In August 2017, Chile lifted its complete ban on abortion by permitting abortion in three limited circumstances: 1) to save a woman's life, 2) lethal fetal anomaly, and 3) rape. The new law allows regulated use of conscientious objection (CO) in abortion care, including allowing institutions to register as objectors. This study assesses medical and midwifery students' support for CO, following legal reform. METHODS: From October 2017 to May 2018, we surveyed medical and midwifery students from seven universities located in Santiago, Chile. Universities included 4 secular (2 public and 2 private) and 3 private religiously-affiliated universities; all offering medical degrees with a specialization in obstetrics and gynecology (ob-gyn) and five offering midwifery degrees. We used generalized estimating equations (GEE) to identify characteristics associated with student support for CO, intentions to use CO to refuse to care for someone seeking abortion, and support for CO at the institutional level. RESULTS: 333 of the 413 eligible students who opened the survey, completed the questions on conscientious objection; 26% were seeking medical degrees with an ob-gyn specialty, 25% were seeking midwifery degrees, and 49% were seeking medical degrees and had not yet decided their specialty. While nearly all endorse requirements for conscientious objecting clinicians to inform (92%) and refer (91%) abortion-seeking patients, a minority (18%) would personally use conscientious objection to avoid caring for a patient seeking abortion (12% secular and 39% religious university students). About half of religious-university students (52%) and one-fifth of secular-university (20%) students support objections at the institutional level. CONCLUSIONS: Most students support the regulated use of CO which preserves patients' access to abortion care. Religious-university student views on the use of conscientious objection in abortion care are discordant with those of their institutions which currently support institutional-level objections.

Medical and midwifery student attitudes toward moral acceptability and legality of abortion, following decriminalization of abortion in Chile.

OBJECTIVE: Soon after Chile decriminalized abortion under three limited circumstances in 2017, we assessed medical and midwifery students' attitudes about abortion morality and legality when compared to national opinions. STUDY DESIGN: We administered an anonymous, online survey to medical and midwifery students from seven secular and religiously-affiliated universities in Santiago, Chile. We compared student responses to a nationally representative public opinion survey. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: We examined three main outcomes related to abortion attitudes: (1) moral acceptability of abortion and legal support for abortion in (2) one or (3) all listed circumstances. We used general estimating equations to examine whether university type, field of study, and other student characteristics are associated with each outcome and compared student views toward abortion legality with those of the general public. RESULTS: Among the 369 student respondents, most agreed that abortion can be a good thing for some women in some situations (82%). When compared to the general public, a larger proportion of students supported decriminalizing abortion in at least one (83% and 97%, respectively) or all (17% and 51%, respectively) seven listed circumstances. While secular university students held significantly more favorable views about abortion morality and legality than students from religiously-affiliated universities, the majority of students from both university types supported abortion in the three cases in which it was recently decriminalized. CONCLUSIONS: Medical and midwifery students from not only secular but also religiously-affiliated universities are very supportive of the recent decriminalization of abortion, which presents training opportunities for both types of universities.

Abortion in Chile: The Long Road to Legalization and its Slow Implementation.

Until as recently as September 2017, Chile was one of the few countries in the world that did not permit abortion under any circumstances. Although the Health Code had permitted therapeutic abortion (i.e., on health grounds) from 1931, this was repealed in 1989 as one of General Pinochet's last acts in office. It took more than 25 years to reverse the ban. Finally, a new act was approved allowing abortion on three grounds: when a woman's life is in danger, when there are fetal anomalies incompatible with life, and in the case of rape. Since the law allows abortion only in limited cases, most women must continue to seek illegal abortions, as previously. In this paper, we explore the historical context in which Chile's 2017 bill was finally passed. We then analyze the legislative debate leading up to the passage of the law. Lastly, we present the results of a community-based participatory research effort carried out by an alliance between feminist and human rights organizations. Chile's law was passed almost two years ago, and this research shows the persistence of various obstacles that hinder women's access to legal abortion, such as the use of conscientious objection, a lack of trained health care providers, and a lack information for women.

Future health providers' willingness to provide abortion services following decriminalisation of abortion in Chile: a cross-sectional survey.

OBJECTIVE: To assess Chilean medical and midwifery students' attitudes and willingness to become trained to provide abortion care, shortly after abortion was decriminalised in 2017. DESIGN: We fielded a cross-sectional, web-based survey of medical and midwifery students. We used generalised estimating equations to assess differences by type of university and degree sought. SETTING: We recruited students from a combination of seven secular, religiously-affiliated, public and private universities that offer midwifery or medical degrees with a specialisation in obstetrics and gynaecology, located in Santiago, Chile. PARTICIPANTS: Students seeking medical or midwifery degrees at one of seven universities were eligible to participate. We distributed the survey link to medical and midwifery students at these seven universities; 459 eligible students opened the survey link and 377 students completed the survey. PRIMARY AND SECONDARY OUTCOMES: Intentions to become trained to provide abortion services was our primary outcome of interest. Secondary outcomes included moral views and concerns about abortion provision. RESULTS: Most students intend to become trained to provide abortion services (69%), 20% reported that they will not provide an abortion under any circumstance, half (50%) had one or more concern about abortion provision and 16% agreed/strongly agreed that providing abortions is morally wrong. Most believed that their university should train medical and midwifery students to provide abortion services (70%-79%). Secular university students reported higher intentions to provide abortion services (beta 0.47, 95% CI: 0.31 to 0.63), more favourable views (beta 0.52, CI: 0.32 to 0.72) and were less likley to report concerns about abortion provision (adjusted OR 0.47, CI: 0.23 to 0.95) than students from religious universities. CONCLUSION: Medical and midwifery students are interested in becoming trained to provide abortion services and believe their university should provide this training. Integrating high-quality training in abortion care into medical and midwifery programmes will be critical to ensuring that women receive timely, non-judgemental and quality abortion care.

Pregnancies and Fetal Anomalies Incompatible with Life in Chile: Arguments and Experiences in Advocating for Legal Reform.

Chile allows abortion under no circumstances. Whether it's fetal anomaly incompatible with life or congenital malformation resulting in little or no life expectancy, all Chilean women are expected to carry their pregnancies to term. In this context, in January 2015 the Chilean Congress began debating a bill to legalize abortion on three grounds, including fatal congenital malformation. The medical community, including midwives, has presented its views for and against, especially on how the law may affect clinical practices; in addition, women, many of whom have experienced a fatal congenital malformation diagnosis, have weighed in. This qualitative study draws on 22 semi-structured interviews with nine certified nurse-midwives, one neonatologist, nine obstetrician-gynecologists, one psychiatrist, one psychologist, and one sociologist who provide care during gestation, pregnancy, delivery, and post-delivery in the public and private sectors, plus three interviews with two women and the former partner of a woman who underwent the experience. These interviews starkly illustrate the plight facing women carrying nonviable fetuses, including women's shock upon receiving the diagnosis, their feelings of bereavement and loss, and the clinical practices used in an attempt to ease their suffering under the weight of exceedingly difficult legal restrictions. These interviews confirmed that compelling women to carry nonviable fetuses to term violates their human rights. They also show that the chances of legislative change are real and that such change will present new challenges to the Chilean health care system.

Abortion in Chile: the practice under a restrictive regime.

This article examines, from a human rights perspective, the experience of women, and the practices of health care providers regarding abortion in Chile. Most abortions, as high as 100,000 a year, are obtained surreptitiously and clandestinely, and income and connections play a key role. The illegality of abortion correlates strongly with vulnerability, feelings of guilt and loneliness, fear of prosecution, physical and psychological harm, and social ostracism. Moreover, the absolute legal ban on abortion has a chilling effect on health care providers and endangers women's lives and health. Although misoprostol use has significantly helped to prevent greater harm and enhance women's agency, a ban on sales created a black market. Against this backdrop, feminists have taken action in aid of women. For instance, a feminist collective opened a telephone hotline, Linea Aborto Libre (Free Abortion Line), which has been crucial in informing women of the correct and safe use of misoprostol. Chile is at a crossroads. For the first time in 24 years, abortion law reform seems plausible, at least when the woman's life or health is at risk and in cases of rape and fetal anomalies incompatible with life. The political scenario is unfolding as we write. Congressional approval does not mean automatic enactment of a new law; a constitutional challenge is highly likely and will have to be overcome.

Maternity protection vs. maternity rights for working women in Chile: a historical review.

Maternity leave in Chile has been a social right since 1919, when the International Labour Organization set the first global standards. From its inception, Chile's labour legislation focused on protecting motherhood and the family. The length of maternity leave has been extended several times since then but its main aim remains the protection of infant health. In 1931, Chile's first Labour Code required anyone employing 20 or more women to provide day care services and facilitate childcare and paid breastfeeding time for all mothers of children under one. Labour laws began to play an important role in accommodating the care of infants within working conditions, though not always effectively. In spite of job protection during pregnancy and breastfeeding, women can be dismissed on grounds other than pregnancy. It was only under Salvador Allende and again in the past two decades that Chile has enfranchised women as holders of health rights. However, many unresolved tensions remain. Chile promotes motherhood, but often considers that working women who demand employment protection abuse the system. Motherhood is a magic wand that represents the selflessness of women, but society throws a blanket of mistrust over women who wish to exercise their maternity rights and to determine the number and spacing of their children.

Teenage sexuality and rights in Chile: from denial to punishment.

While Chile sees itself as a country that has fully restored human rights since its return to democratic rule in 1990, the rights of teenagers to comprehensive sexuality education are still not being met. This paper reviews the recent history of sexuality education in Chile and related legislation, policies and programmes. It also reports a 2008 review of the bylaws of 189 randomly selected Chilean schools, which found that although such bylaws are mandatory, the absence of bylaws to prevent discrimination on grounds of pregnancy, HIV and sexuality was common. In relation to how sexual behaviour and discipline were addressed, bylaws that were non-compliant with the law were very common. Opposition to sexuality education in schools in Chile is predicated on the denial of teenage sexuality, and many schools punish sexual behaviour where transgression is perceived to have taken place. While the wider Chilean society has been moving towards greater recognition of individual autonomy and sexual diversity, this cultural shift has yet to be reflected in the government's political agenda, in spite of good intentions. Given this state of affairs, the Chilean polity needs to recognise its youth as having human rights, or will continue to fail in its commitment to them.

Invoking conscientious objection in reproductive health care: evolving issues in Peru, Mexico and Chile.

As Latin American countries seek to guarantee sexual and reproductive health and rights, opponents of women's rights and reproductive choice have become more strident in their opposition, and are increasingly claiming conscientious objection to providing these services. Conscientious objection must be seen in the context of the rights and interests at stake, including women's health needs and right to self-determination. An analysis of law and policy on conscientious objection in Peru, Mexico and Chile shows that it is being used to erode women's rights, especially where it is construed to have no limits, as in Peru. Conscientious objection must be distinguished from politically-motivated attempts to undermine the law; otherwise, the still fragile re-democratisation processes underway in Latin America may be placed at risk. True conscientious objection requires that a balance be struck between the rights of the objector and the health rights of patients, in this case women. Health care providers are entitled to their beliefs and to have those beliefs accommodated, but it is neither viable nor ethically acceptable for conscientious objectors to exercise this right without regard for the right to health care of others, or for policy and services to be rendered ineffectual because of individual objectors.